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PHILIP KEARNY: 






SOLDIER AND PATRIOT. | 



DELIVERED BEFORE THE 



§m-Stx^n} fti^tovical ^mtty, 



JANUARY 17, 1867, 



ii 



OOETLA^nTDT PARKER 



) i 



PTTBLISHED 33 Y .JiKQTJEfc^T. 



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Newakk, N*. J. : 



|() ITiOM THE NORTHERN :\[OXTiILY FOR MARCH, 18(;8. ( 



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Class. 



Ronk .Kt^P^ 



PHILIP KEAPJY: 



SOLDIER AND PATRIOT. 



r 



DELIVERED BEFORE THE 



NEW- JERSEY HISTOPJCAL SOCIETY, 



JANUARY 17, 1867, 



BY 

CORTLANDT PARKER. 



FTJBLISHED BY REQUEST. 



NEWARK : 
FROM THE " NORTHERISJ' MOISTTHLY." 

1868. 

^^1 z.i^. 



\ 



01 



■ I 



MAJOR-GEi\EPtAL PHILIP KEARNY. 



The task before me is a labor of love. Pliilip Kearny, as a soldier 
and a patriot: this is my theme — a fit one for the Historical Society 
of New-Jersey, for the' favorites of history are patriots and sol- 
diers. And Philip Kearny was both the splendid soldier and the 
ardent patriot ; and, sprung from New-Jersey blood, nurtured on 
Jersey soil, leading to the field New-Jersey's first brigade, regard- 
ing himself through all the war for the Union as a Jersey soldier, it 
is fit and right — it is, in fact, our duty — t-o set forth, justly but fully, 
the splendid career of tliis martyr to our cause. 

Philip Kearny was born June 2d, 1815. He was the son of Philip 
Kearny, of Newark, and his wife, Susan Watts, daughter of John 
Watts, of New- York, founder of the Leake and Watts Orphan 
Asylum there, and distinguished for wealth and generosity. Through 
his father his lineage was Irish, and it is not difficult to discern that 
many salient points of his character were derived from that impulsive, 
generous, brave, and danger-loving blood. His mother was descend- 
ed, in part, from Huguenot ancestry. Her lineage was of the De 
Lanceys, and it is said that both in appearance and character her 
son very much resembled this branch of his ancestry. They were 
soldiers by nature. The name is distinguished in the history of 
chivalry. And nothing can be more striking than the similarity in 
personal appearance between the subject of this sketch, and at least 
one of his near relatives on the motlier's side, whose face and form 
are said to be that of the De Lancey family. 

General Kearny's father resided in Newark. The simple, reverend- 
looking old mansion of the family still stands, shaded by magni- 
ficent old elms in the environs of that g'"owing city, and as yet in 
possession of the family, who retain its quaint peculiarities with 
pious care. But Mrs. Kearny's friends lived in New- York. She 
often visited them, and during her temporary residence there this her 
only son was born. But he was nurtured from early childhood in 
Newark, Avent to school there, regarded that as his home, estab- 
lished liis own costly residence near it, and was to all intents and 
purposes a Jerseyman. 



4 MAJOE-GEXERAL PHILIP KEARXY. 

I have been able to learn little of his childhood and youth. His 
schoolmates speak of hiui as a delicate boy, averse to violent sports, 
and holding himself somewhat aloof from promiscuous companion- 
ship. He was not a student, nor apparently in anywise ambitious 
of distinction. 

One relative, himself an enthusiast in military literature, represents 
Iiim as having always had the greatest interest in those matters. 
Together, he says, they studied the battles of great captains, and 
with mimic soldiers fought them over again ; addressing themselves 
with industry to master the details of the engagements of Coesar 
Marlborough, and Napoleon, and, with maps and models before them, 
repeating the strategic moves upon which the fate of nations so 
often hung. 

Young Kearny soon pursued the natural bent of his genius. In 
obedience to the wishes of his father and friends, he passed regularly 
through Columbia College ; then studied law. But, as soon as he 
had arrived at majority, he abandoned studies which, it is easy to 
see, must have been very irksome to such a nature, obtained a com- 
mission in a regiment of dragoons, which, with others, his uncle, 
General Stephen W. Kearny, had aided in organizing, and immedi- 
ately went with it to join that distinguished officer in the West. 

This was in 1837. He spent something over a year on this service, 
meantime devoting himself with great ardor to the details of the 
military profession, and acquiring skill in horsemanship. 

A singular circumstance may be interesting here, Jefferson Davis 
was captain in the same regiment of dragoons at the time that Philip 
Kearny was lieutenant ! How Avidely divergent their subsequent 
paths of life and thought! 

In the year 1839, the French government accorded to the United 
States permission to send three officers to follow the course of in- 
struction in their military school at Saumur. Our Government select- 
ed Lieutenant Kearny as one of them. He went there in 1840. 
These three youths made good use of their time, and among other 
things made a translation for our Government of French military 
tactics, the same afterward translated by Hardee. After a while 
Kearny left the school to go with the French forces to Africa. Pie 
was attached to the first Chasseurs d'Afrique, (Colonel Guie, under 
General Pays de Bourjolly,) and Avas present at at least two engage- 
ments, the taking of Millionat and the second battle of the Col di 
Yeveah. On this service he was greatly admired for his dash, skill, 
and fearlessness, and acquired the highest esteem of his colonel, who, 
in later days, followed his career with the warmest interest and 
pride. Many anecdotes are told of his gallantry in this war, of which 
liis splendid horsemanship made him a hero. An American relative, 



MAJOR-GEXEEAL PHILIP KEARNY. 5 

already alluded to as resembling liiin, when long afterward in 
Algiers, was accosted by French soldiers with earnest inquiries 
respecting their old comrade, whom they described as charging the 
Arab cavalry, his sword in one hand, his pistol in the other, while 
he held his reins in his teeth. 

Lieutenant Kearny returned from France in 1841, and was attach- 
ed to the staff of General Scott, in whose military family he remained 
till the outbreak of the Avar with Mexico. Having risen at that time 
to be captain of dragoons, he went to the West, and principally in 
Illinois recruited his company. He was determined that it should be 
worth leading, and called to his aid his private fortune. He offered 
a premium additional to government bounty, both for men and 
horses. A rather eccentric but earnestly patriotic lawyer, resident 
in Springfield, Illinois, Abraham Lincoln by name, took much inte- 
rest in his plans and aided their execution. And when the young 
captain took the field, it was at the head of one hundred men, 
selected for their superiority as horsemen and their intelligence, 
mounted each on an iron-gray charger, jiicked for speed and blood. 
Such another troop the army did not possess. General Scott took it 
as his body-guard. And, therefore, its leader burned in vain for 
personal distinction through all Scott's magnificent campaign until 
the battle of Churubusco, fought, it will be remembered, at the very 
'gates of Mexico. But it is evident that the position beside the 
General-in-Chief must have tended to perfect the ambitious young 
officer in military strategy. 

At this battle of Churubusco, to pi-event being outflanked. General 
Scott had given up his escort, and retired upon his centre, having 
first detached Captain Kearny for " general service." An opportu- 
nity soon offered for distinguished usefulness, his behavior in which 
is thus described by General Harney in his report: "At this 
moment, perceiving that the enemy were retreating in disorder on 
one of the main causeways leading to the city, I collected all the 
cavalry Avithin my reach, consisting of Captain Ker's company of 
Second Dragoons, Captain Kearny's company of First Dragoons, and 
Captains McReynolds and Dupene's companies of the Third Dragoons, 
and pursued them vigorously until we Avere halted by the dischai'ge 
of batteries at the gate. Many of the enemy Avere overtaken in the 
pursuit and cut down by our sabres. I can not speak in terms too 
complimentary of the manner in Avhich this charge Avas executed. 
My only difficulty Avas to restrain the impetuosity of my men and 
officers, who seemed to vie Avith each other who should be foremost 
in this pursuit. Captain Kearny gallantly led his squadron into the 
very intrenchments of the enemy, and had tlie misfortune to lose an 
arm from a grape-shot fired at one of the main gates of the capital." 



6 MAJOR-GENEEAL PHILIP KEARNY. 

In General Scott's report it is said : " The cavalry charge was 
headed by Ca^Dtain Kearny of the First Dragoons, having in squadron 
with his own troop that of Captain McReynolds of the Third, making 
the usual escort to headquarters; but being early in the day detach- 
ed for general service was now luider Colonel Harney's orders. The 
gallant Captain Kearny, not hearing the recall that had been sound- 
ed, dashed up to the Sau Antonio gate, sabring all who resisted." 

I received from a party engaged a graphic accoimt of this charge. 
Mexico is ajDproached at the spot in question by a narrow causeway 
crossing a deep marsh, which flanks it on either side. The Mexicans, 
routed and aiFrighted, retreated over this causeway in great confu- 
sion, seeking the protection of the gates and of a battery which 
guarded them. It was evident to Kearny, after getting uj^on this 
causeway, when he discovered this battery, that his safety lay in 
remorselessly continuing the charge, giving the retreating force no 
time to breathe. If he stopped, they would open their ranks, re- 
tire to each side of the road, and then his command would be de- 
stroyed by the fire of the Mexican artillery.'* An officer of great 
distinction in the late civil war was sent to command his return. 
Kearny rapidly pointed out to him liis situation, which was unknown 
at headquarters, and remonstrated against the direction given. 
" General Scott does not know, and can not see," Avas the hui'ried 
argument, " else he would wish no retreat." Convinced, the mes- 
senger withheld his orders, joined the charging column, and Avith 
Captain Kearny almost entered the gate itself. It Avas, it is said, 
as Captain Kearny was returning, that the enemy, regaining their 
senses, fired a volley of grape, which carried aAvay his left arm. 

For his gallantry on this occasion Captain Kearny Avas promoted 
to be major. In 1850-1852, he Avas employed in California and 
Oregon against the Indian tribes, and then, resigning his commis- 
sion, traveled extensively throughout Europe and the East, making 
his residence in Paris. Pie returned to this country for a short time 
at various j^eriods, but lived principally in that great metropolis 
thenceforward until the breaking out of the rebellion in this country. 

In 1859, the Italian war occurred. Major Kearny lost no time in 
endeavox'ing to witness the art he so enthusiastically studied Avhen 
practiced on so grand a scale ; Avas attached as aid-de-camp to the 
staff of General Morris, commanding the cavalry of the guard, and 
was present, under flue, at the battle of Solferino. His faculties, 
long devoted to the study of the art of Avar Avith an earnestness few 
were aAvare of, bad then ripened Avith age. He made every use of 
his opportunities, and acquired a professional instinct Avhich was very 
remarkable, and attracted attention. In consideration of liis sei'- 
vicee the Emperor Napoleon IH. conferred on him the cross of the 



MAJOR-GENERAL PHILIP KEARNY. ^ 

Legion of Honor, a decoration the more valued by him because he 
alone of his nation received it for military services. 

As soon as it was clear that the existence of the American nation 
was imperiled, and that war on this continent was imminent, Major 
Kearny broke up his luxurious establishment in Paris and hastened 
to tender his sword to his government. He arrived in this country 
early in the spring of 1861, applied to General Scott for employ- 
ment, and, at his instance, sought a commission first from the gov- 
ernor of New-York. 

There was much more patriotism in this conduct tha;i a hasty con- 
sideration Avould perceive. It was not only a sacrifice of the luxu- 
ries and amenitiesf which had become to him a second nature, and which 
his wealth enabled him so largely to enjoy. But he had been the 
intimate of most of the Southern military men. Beauregard, Ewell, 
Lee, Longstreet, Magruder, the Hills, and others had been his asso- 
ciates, some at Paris as well as in America. Ilis style of life and 
thought was more like them than that of the cooler and quieter 
North. He wrote of himself, even after the war began, in a valuable 
letter concerning the blacks, to which Ave shall recur : " There is no 
more Southern man at heart than myself. I am so from education, 
association, and from being a j)urely unprejudiced lover of the 
Union." His immediate relations were dead. There were none North 
whom he so especially loved or who had such claims on liim that he 
should leave his life of wealth and ease, cross the ocean and fight for 
them. Yet he did not hesitate a moment. " What am I," he ex- 
claimed, " if no longer an American ?" There was the argument in 
a nut-shell — nationality; that was the cause for which he fought. 
Like the old Roman, wherever he went, his pride was in his citizen- 
ship. " I am an American citizen," was his boast, his defense, his 
pride. He loved his country, its grand present, its almost infinitely 
grander future. He saw the crumbling of foreign empires, the worth- 
less trial of foreign greatness. He saw clearly how all that was old 
was destined to sure decay, and how much the world was to owe to 
the freedom, the education, the civilization of the American Repub. 
lie. And then, too, America was his country. To her he had sworn 
allegiance. For her lie had lost liis arm ; for her he had braved 
death on every battle-field from Vera Cruz to Mexico, and at the 
hands of the treacherous savage. And so, to save the nation, to do 
his part to secure her existence, and put down the villainy and in- 
sanity which threatened her life, though dissuaded by all his military 
friends in Paris, he hastened to give all the energies of his nature 
to the cause of his dear country. Those who conversed with him and 
knew the thoughts of his heart, and those alone, can know how firm 
and unalloyed was the patriotism which brought him home. 



8 MAJOIl-GENERAL PHILIP KEARNY. 

He was not welcomed as he should have been. It took long to 
convince the North upon what a despei*ate struggle they were enter- 
ing. Spite of Sumter, most thought the coming war little more than 
an exciting holiday. Even Lincoln seemingly imagined that seventy- 
five thousand men were enough for the crisis, and did not comprehend 
the meaning of the derisive laugh with which the conspirators at 
Montgomery received his call for them. And so, instead of looking 
everywhere for ability and capacity in order that they might be 
placed in command, crowds of insignificant and incapable holiday 
chieftains besieged the authorities, seeking, and in many cases actu- 
ally obtaining it, while those who deserved it and could be useful 
served in minor stations. 

And so Philip Kearny, after weeks of waiting at the doors of the 
New-York executive, jostled by political intriguers, turned away in 
perfect disgust, absolutely unable, since he could not be a private 
with one arm, to find a place where he could serve the country he 
had come three thousand miles to fight for. 

Accident placed a Jersey friend in possession of the fact that he 
was in America. The noble first brigade of three years' troops Avas 
then gathering for the field from which so few of them returned. It was 
evident at a glance that all such men needed was a leader who could 
appreciate their merits. Without Major Kearny's knowledge, this 
friend hastened to urge his appointment to command them. It was a 
matter of much more difficulty than he imagined. Looking back, it 
seems inconceivable how it could have cost so much exertion to se- 
cure the appointment of such a man to such a place. It took nearly 
three months to accomplish it. Not until Bull Run had illustrated 
our need of educated, experienced soldiers was it done. And how, 
in the mean time, did the restless spirit of the patriot hero chafe at 
he delay — for he knew his own capacity and appreciated the 
character of the war. Sure that the nation would eventually tri- 
umph, he knew, then, nevertheless, that it was all which experience 
has found it to be. 

When the news of Bull Run came, he at once proclaimed his will- 
ingness to lead a regiment, or even to take a subordinate line com- 
mand in- any which should be raised. But tlie good Lincoln, who 
had recognized the Captain Kerney, as he pronounced his name, 
whom he had known in Illinois while raising his f imous troop, in the 
one-armed Major Kearny about whom so much had been said to 
him by friends and foes, hastened, after that terrible national dis- 
grace, to surround himself with all worthy of command, and high 
upon liis list of brigadiers placed the name of Philip Kearny. 

Within twenty-four hours after notice of his appointment, he 
joined the troops at Alexandria. The Jersey brigade happened to 



MAJOR-GEXERAL PHILIP KEARNY. Q 

he lying together. Therefore, in spite of a strong desire on the part 
of the then Secretary of War to separate thenl, in order to abolish 
State pride even in such a matter, he was able to procure himself to 
be assigned to their command, and entered upon his duties with con- 
stitutional alacrity. 

Those who liad most strongly urged the appointment of General 
Kearny had no expectation that he would possess such excellence 
as he immediately displayed. His dash, his chivalric bravery, his 
generosity and lavish expenditui'e of his large wealth to make his 
troops compare favorably with others — what Scott said of him in a 
letter commending his appointment, " His long and valuable experi- 
ence in actual military service seems to commend him as a useful as 
well as available commander and disciplinarian ; he is among the brav- 
est of the brave, and of the highest military spirit and bearing " — 
such considerations as these induced his advocates to prefer him 
among the competitors for the brigadiership which was expected by 
N'ew-Jerse)^ There was no idea of his talents as an organizer, his 
fervid enthusiasm for his profession, his close study of the art of war 
and intimate acquaintance with its history, his magnetic influence 
over men, his intuitive perception of character, his strategic genius, 
and his almost more than conscientious devotion to his military duty. 
But a single month revealed all of those qualities of which circum- 
stances, would present the exhibition. Personally and intimately 
acquainted myself with the leading officers of his finest regiment, I 
was astonished to find his first letter, written a week after knowing 
them, photograph their characters as if he had always been their 
companion. And he addressed himself with such energy to the im- 
provement of ^lis brigade that, in three months, it Avas confessedly 
the best disciplined around Washington. His severity, sometimes 
brusque, often eccentric, at first made him unpopular. But the men 
soon saw that he was less indulgent to the shortcomings of officers 
than to theirs ; that he studied their comfort and aimed at their im- 
provement. Both officers and men soon found that there was but 
one path to his good AA'ill, one way of escaping severity, the full and 
punctilious discharge of duty ; and that, if tliey were equal to its re- 
quisitions, they were not only appreciated but most generously ap- 
plauded, while any thing like shunning duty met witli most terrible 
rebuke. And they saw that he required nothing but what he him" 
self did ; that his days and nights were spent fitting himself for 
greater duties, or carefully attending to their best interests. And 
so, soon, they came to love liim, worship him. Tliey would go with 
him anywhere, reposing, without question, on his judgment. 

A private letter from an intelligent sergeant in liis command, 



10 MAJOR-GENERAL PHILIP KEARNY. 

written and published while our brigade was in Alexandria, tells the 
story so well that we are tempted to reproduce it : 

" As regards our General, I will endeavor to give you some of tlie traits of Ms 
character in connection with his command. 1st. He is untiring in his efforts to 
promote the comfort and well-being of his men. For instance : I was standing 
the other day engaged in conversation with Dr. Suckley, the brigade-surgeon, 
who, by the way, is a first-rate man, having been in the U. S. service for the past 
fifteen years, when one of General Kearny's ordez'lies rode up and placed a small 
packet in his hand with the general's compliments. The doctor opened it and found 
wrapped up in a note $35 in gold, the note saying it came from General Kearny 
for Dr. Suckley to use for luxuries for the patients in the hospital iinder his (Dr. 
Buckley's) charge. ' There,' said the doctor, ' that is fifty dollars he has sent me 
for that purpose since we have been here, some two months.' 

" 2d. His discipline is of the strictest kind ; though there is never any tiling like 
domineering or arrogance about him, yet he will have his rules and the regula- 
tions carried out, as to drill, etc., to the very letter. 

" The brigade is fast approaching what I should judge to be its legitimate and 
proper standard of military perfection, under his unceasing endeavors to make it 
what he says it shall be, if the officers and men will only bear a helping hand, 
namely, the most useful and efficient in the service. 

" 3d. When we came over into Virginia, the officers cared little, and of course the 
men cared less, about doing things by system, even than while we were stationed 
at Camp Olden, Trenton ; but under his guidance no person would believe that 
this was the same body of troops ; perfect order about every thing, men look 
neater, and appear to better advantage on parades or reviews, and drill better. 
In fact there has been a complete revolution of everything appertaining to the 
whole brigade. 

" 4th. I can compare his popularity with the men to nothing else but to the 
French army in the days of Napoleon I. ; they almost worship him, and would 
follow wherever — follow did I say ? lio, they would go wherever he points as the 
path of duty. 

" 5th. Their confidence in his military skill is unparalleled in the history of 
tliis country since the days of Washington. He seems to have every little item of 
military education and stratagem necessary to be used in such a campaign as this 
at his fingers' ends, and, no matter what he may be doing, should any officer ask 
his opinion on this point, or his ad\ice on that particular, he will give either just 
as if he had been thinking of nothing else than the subject suggested by the 
question ; in a word, he is a military man in the strictest sense of that term. His 
perception of the capabilities of a man for any work he may be wanted for is as 
quick as lightning, and he only needs a glance. He is also very strict about 
members of other brigades coming inside our lines without passes, and we have 
had orders to arrest any such found on the roads or in any of the camps, while we 
may be on patrol duty ; also any of our own men found outside our lines, without 
passes from their colonels. You can judge, by these instances, somewhat of his 
character as a disciplinarian. 

" I think I have written quite enough to convince any person of his fitness for 
the responsible post he now occupies. The question iised to be asked, before he 
came, ' Who shall lead us on ?' but now it is, ' When shall we be led to meet 
our enemies ?' There are no fears of the result of such a meeting for an instant 



MAJOR-GEXEHAL PHILIP KEAKNY. 11 

crossing our niinds. Our final success is sure. Perhaps many ■will fall before it 
is attained. I may be of the number ; but if I should, I wish all my friends to 
know that I fell at my post of duty, trusting in Him who alone is able to save 
from sin, who is on our side, aiding in putting down the most black-hearted and 
damnable rebellion the world ever knew. But I fear I shall weary you with this 
long, dry letter. I am well and hearty as ever, and can still lift my eyes to the 
hills whence cometh our salvation. May God prosper our arms and nerve our 
arms for the great work before us." 

While thus promoting the efficiency of his brigade in di-ill, com- 
fort, and health, in Avhich he succeeded wonderfully, he kept them all 
alive to the fact that they were soon to fight. General McClellau 
had given orders to withdraw their outposts to a line nearer Wash- 
ington ; General Kearny expostulated successfully, and kept his troops 
constantly on the Avatch. They were the vanguard of the army. His 
object Avas to generate military A'igilance. 

And so the autumn of 18G1 rolled on, Kearny and a few like him 
impatiently longing for the order to advance ; Ball's Bluff check- 
ing and delaying it, and carrying sorroAV and almost dismay to the 
hearts of tlie Northern patriots ; Drainesville partially reassuring 
them ; the A^ictories south and Avest invigorating the resolution of the 
nation ; General McClellan bustling hither and thither, reputed busy 
and successful in organization ; the Cabinet, the President, and the 
nation, waiting long, at first Avith full, then Avith scarce half, con- 
fidence in the commanding general, for the moment when, with the 
advance of the Army of the Potomac, the haughty confederacy should 
disappear. 

It Avas not long, however, before the lynx-like perception of Gene- 
ral Kearny saAV the truth as to his commanding general, and he ex- 
pressed it, not insubordinately but confidentially, and Avith many 
cautions and generous hopes that he might be mistaken. In October, 
1861, he Avrites : "I see a A^acillation in his great objects, allowing 
small objects to intrude." "That General McClellan," he Avrites in 
February, 1862, " has had full sway for his great specialite — talents 
of calculation and long-headedness — is most fortunate for him and 
the country. But the United States alone of all countries could have 
supplied by her wonderful A'irgin resources for a Avant of genius of 
command, which Avould early in September have decided, by timely 
fighting and maneuvering, Avhat we are doing noAV by dead momentum. 
Fifty thousand m.ore troops on the Potomac Avould have maneuvered 
the enemy Avith sure success out of Manassas in September last ; 
England would not have insulted us, foreign powers not been doubt- 
ful of us ; the greatness of the American name been more immediately 
vindicated, and the terrific expenses been saved by a speedy termi- 
nation of the AA'ar." March 4th, 1862, he speaks more decidedly. 



12 MAJOR- GENEKAL PHILIP KEARXY. 

" Although there is no one exactly to replace McClellan, I now pro. 
claim distinctly that, unless a chief, a line officer not an engineer, of 
military prestige, (success under fire with troops,) is put in command 
of the Army of the Potomac, (leaving McClellan the minor duties of 
General-in-Chief,) we will come in for some awful disaster. The 
only person to take his place is General C. F. Smith, in the army of 
Kentucky." 

Up to this time he and General McClellan had never clashed. 
These opinions were the result of his observation, and very much of 
his conviction that Ball's Bluff was really an advance, from which 
McClellan shrunk back, and threw the blame on General Stone, un- 
justly — scared by the first disaster, Not long after he saw himself 
what he deemed evidence of the inferiority of McClellan's genius, and 
thenceforward he was most decided in his depreciation of him. 

In March, 1862, the rebels evacuated Manassas, hastened thence by 
the enterprise and dash of General Kearny, It is but justice to 
notice this, for his reports never saw the light. Indeed that aflaii', 
instead of helping his advancement, evidently and most wrongfully 
retarded it. We will tell the story in his own words, under date of 
March 12th, 1862, "I was on the Uniform Board, dined with the 
Prince de Joinville on Thursday ; the next day leisurely got up, 
and went to the ferry to go to camp, I was just going on board the 
steamer when G-eneral Sumner got off, and said quite excitedly and 
flurried to me, ' Why, your brigade is off, ordered to Burke's Station, 
to relieve General Howard in guarding a railroad party,' I hurried to 
camp, found the brigade still there ; went to Franklin's headquarters. 
He was in W , and by telegraph sent us varying orders from mo- 
ment to moment, as if all in W were undecided. Finally, late in 

the day orders came to take forty-eight hours' rations, and be prepared 
to remain two days at Burke's, It was three o'clock. The troops 
looked elegantly, and, although the march was awful, owing to the 
roads, they kept up their spirits. It was four o'clock daybreak 
when I arrived at Burke's, I slept an hour, mounted a fresh horse, 
and galloped about until twelve with General Howard and others, 
studying my position, . I then was galloping about, except a nap for 
two hours, on other fresh horses till nine at night. The next day I 
ascertained by negroes that the enemy wei'e preparing to leave, I 
immediately pushed on with my troops, and maneuvered in all direc- 
tions, all which resulted in my driving them back everywhere. I 
kept applying for orders, which were not sent me, but still I kept on. 
General McClellan's whole movement has been thus brought about. 
I was the first to enter the stronghold at the Junction, My Third 
New-Jersey planted their flag, and I was returning to Centreville, 
when I met General McClellan and all his staff, and some 2000 horse, 



MAJOR-GEXERAL PHILIP KEARNY. 13 

approaching with skirmishers, as if we were secessionists. They had 
done the same thing in advancing to Fairfax Court-House, which I 
had taken some twenty-four lioiirs previously." 

In approaching Manassas on this occasion General Kearny ex- 
panded his brigade over the country, so as to make the enemy think 
him the van of the whole army. Hence they made a precipitate re- 
treat, leaving the very meal they were about to make untasted, for 
the use of their adversaries. It was a bold, skillful, and energetic 
movement, and deserved a commendation which it did not receive. 
His division commander, he thought, evidently disliked it, aud 
General McClellan suppressed his report, as if not entirely j^leaned 
with the occui*rence. 

But the neglect of McClellan to take advantage of this success 
by immediately following up the retiring and, to all appearance, sur- 
prised enemy, completely satisfied General Kearny of his incompe- 
tency. From thenceforward his opinion of him was fixed. " The 
stupid fact is, (he writes, March l^th, 1862,) that, not content with 
letting me and others push after the panic-stricken enemy, fighting 
him a big battle, and ending the war — for his j^anic pi'omised us sure 
success — McClellan, so powerful with figures but so Aveak with men, 
has brought us all back. It is so like our good old nursery story, 

' Tlio king of France, with twice ten thousand men, 
Marched u^j the hill, and then marched down again.' 

Tlie result will be that, in Southern character, they will more than 
recuperate, more than think us afraid of a real stand-up fight, meet 
us at the prepared points, possibly play ugly tricks at the capital, 
and nonplus or force us to fight with the worst of chances against 
us ; and all this because when McClellan, out of confidence since Ms 
failure at Ball's Bluff, despairing of a direct attack on Manassas, in- 
vented, with the aid of engineers, (men who are ignorant of soldiers,) 
the plan of turning the enemy by a sea-route, instead of availing him- 
self of the good luck of the enemy's retreat, thinks that he must still 
adhere to his sea-plan, like the overstufi:ed glutton who thinks he 
must cram because he has in hand an ' emharras cles richesses.'' " 

March 31st, he writes, sketching a campaign for the enemy which 
was not attempted till Pope's time : " Our present affair is a terrific 
blunder. Instead of following up, overtaking, and whipping the 
enemy as they retired panic-stricken, he is attempting an aftair of 
rivers. I do not know his full means of action, but I do know that, 
if opposed with enterprise, the Southern army, recuperated under 
the plea of our evading a real fight, will seize. Centreville or Manassas, 
just in rear of the forces left on the Rappahannock, cut them off, re- 
store the miinjured railroad, steam via Hai-j^er's Ferry to Baltimore 



14 MAJOR-GENERAL PHILIP KEARNY. 

and Washington, and be back in time to meet ns before Riclmiond, 
because the batteries on York and James Rivers, if as formidable 
as the captured resources of Norfolk should have made them in 
guns, will oblige us (if we have no ironed armor gunboats) to land 
our heavy pieces and take them piecemeal, (besides expending thus 
gratuitously much blood,) all which takes time. I can only account 
for this absurd movement from General McClellan and his advisers 
not having sufficient simplicity of character. It would have been so 
beautiful to have pushed after the enemy, and, in doing so, isolate 
Fredericksburg, carry it easily, occupy that road, and thus turn those 
river batteries, all the while near enough to Washington in case of any 
attempt on it. They will tell you that it was a want of subsistence, 
etc. This only proves how unpractical McClellan and his advisers 
are. And it is precisely from a mismanagement of these simple de- 
tails in our own camps on the Potomac that I have the more and 
more learned to distrust him entirely. However, Johnston is a very 
slow man, and our resources are enormous, so we must win, and 
McClellan will no doubt pass down in history as a great general. 
What annoys me the most is, that he has stupidly blundered in 
carrying out his own plans. We should at least have kept the enemy 
impressed with the idea of our direct advance, and withdrawn divi- 
sion after division in the stealthiness of night and under the curtain 
of strong corps." 

This was an early day for such criticisms. They meant what 
Grant afterward painfully executed. Some 200,000 men lay round 
Washington then. The rebel force was barely 40,000. The direct 
advance would have been necessarily overwhelming. No maneuvers 
could have resisted it. Looking back, and with the knowledge we 
now possess, we know that, undertaken then, the direct advance 
must have been speedily successful, economizing rivers of blood and 
thousands of lives. Says Pollard in his Lost Cause, p. 262 : " On 
March 1st, 1862, the number of Federal troops in and about Wash- 
ington had increased to 193,142 fit for duty, with a grand aggregate 
of 221,987. Let us see what was in front of it on the confederate 
line of defense. General Johnston had in the camps of Centreville 
and Manassas less than 30,000 men. Stonewall Jackson had been 
detached with eleven skeleton regiments to amuse the enemy in the 
Shenandoah Valley. Such was the force that stood in McClellan's 
path, and deterred him from a blow that at that time might have 
been fatal to the Southern confederacy." 

We have said that McClellan seemed but ill satisfied with the 
sudden and skillful movement of Kearny w^on Manassas. Perhaps 
it was in consequence of this, but, whatever the reason, in a few days 
after he tendered him a command, to which, as numbered thirteen on 



MAJOE-GENERAL PHILIP KEARNY. 15 

the list of brigadiers, he was long entitled, of a division vacated by 
the promotion of General Sumner to a corps. General Kearny was 
more than glad to accept, only desiring that, inasmuch as his First 
Jersey brigade had been perfected by such toil, expense, and zeal, he 
should be at liberty to carry it with him, exchanging it for one of 
Sumner's, which lay close by Franklin, and the consent of whose 
brigadier was obtained. General McClellan did not discourage the 
project, but General Franklin at once rejected it ; upon which 
General Kearny, feeling his Jersey Blues to be a trust especially 
confided to him, and realizing their adoration of him, most gene- 
rously declined the proposition, and, ranking many division generals, 
remained Avith his brigade. This conduct was rewarded as might 
readily be expected. As soon as it was known, in spite of orders to 
avoid all demonstrations, the enthusiasm of his brave boys could not 
be restrained. His appearance was the signal for irrepressible cheer- 
ing. His men would have followed him, or gone at his bidding 
anywhere against any odds ; nor did a Jersey soldier ever forget it 

With all this, the step caused General Kearny much regret. His 
subordination to men of much less military experience than his own 
perpetually annoyed him. He had strong reliance upon his OAvn 
powers, a reliance which was by no means conceited, and which was 
afterward thoroughly justified. Feeling himself equal to almost any 
task, he could not help longing to take the place of some one of those 
whom in his confidential correspondence he styled his "inferior 
superiors." It was some alleviation to his disappomtment, and the 
state of harassed feeling, which his inferior position occasioned, to 
find himself valued as he was by New-Jersey and its Legislature. 
How much its patriotic executive regarded him he was not then 
aware, and his correspondence betrayed an unjust opinion upon that 
subject. But the pres^, the people, and the Legislature of New-Jer- 
sey, all exhibited their admiration and attachment for him in such 
a manner as could not be otherwise than gratifying. On the 20th of 
March, 1SG2, the Legislature passed a resolution declaring " that New- 
Jersey highly appreciates the disinterested fidelity of General Philip 
Kearny in declining proffered promotion rather than separate him- 
self from the command of Jerseymen intrusted to him." 

On the 2Sth of the same month, a set of resolutions was passed, in 
the folloAving terms: " liesolved, That to the New-Jersey volunteers 
belongs the praise not only of checking the retreat of the Federal 
forces retiring from Bull Run, and greatly aiding in the preservation 
of the National Capital from capture, but also of advancing unsup- 
jjorted on the rebel stronghold at Manassas, and compelling its pre- 
cipitate abandonment ; and that General Kearny deserves the warm 
approval and thanks of the nation for his boldness in making this 
advance, and the skillful strategy he displayed in its execution. 



16 MAJOR-GENERAL PHILIP KEARXY. 

" JResolved, That, liaving already testified onv high appreciation of 
the self-sacrifice and fidelity to his trust Avhich led General Kearny 
to decline promotion rather than leave his brigade, we now exj^ress 
our regret at the existence of any such necessity, and respectfully 
suggest to those in authority the propriety (unless it be inconsistent 
with the i3ublic interest) of combining all the New-Jersey troops on 
the Potomac into one division, and placing the same under the com- 
mand of General Kearny, whose devotion to his soldiers, care for 
their comfort and discipline, and brilliant qualities as an officer, en- 
title the country to his services in a higher position than the one he 
occupies. 

" jResolved, That a copy of these resolutions be forwarded to 
the Honorable the Secretary of War." 

The idea contained in the second of these resolutions was a fa- 
vorite one with General Kearny, who believed our troops would fight 
better if brigaded by States; but the fear that State pride might oc- 
casion dissension made the plan unpalatable at Washington. 

The delays he expected when he discovered the route McClellan 
had determined upon were even more tedious than he anticipated. 
It was not until the 2Gth of April that he found himself near York- 
town, on board of a splendid steamer, waiting to land, and fretting 
himself over the want of practical skill which, as he said, sickened his 
soldiers by cooping them on the transport, because they dared not haz- 
ard a landing under fire. While on board, a vacancy happened in a 
division of Heintzelman's corps. Our army lay before Yorktown ; the 
division was actually under fire ; so General Kearny regarded himself 
as bound to assume at once the position to which he was ordered, and 
with grief which he could not conceal, in the midst of actual tears from 
the brigade so long his pride and so long his worshii^ers, he laid down 
his command of the Jersey troops, and thenceforward was known no 
longer as their general. This was on the 30th day of April. He as- 
sumed command on the 2d day of May. On the 5th, he fought the 
great battle of Williamsburg, inflicting upon the enemy their first 
decided defeat by the army of the Potomac, and saving that army 
from hopeless ruin. 

Yorktown was evacuated on the night of the 3d of May. Eleven 
thousand men under General Magruder, who adopted here the strata- 
gem of Kearny when approaching Manassas, and extended his little 
force over a distance of several miles, so as to give it the appearance 
of large numbers, had delayed nearly 90,000 infontry, 50 batteries of 
artillery, 10,000 cavalry, and a siege-train of 100 guns, from the 4th 
day of April previous. The fact is proof enough of the correctness 
of Kearny's opinion, both as to the folly of the route and the incom- 
petency of his commander. 



MAJOR-GENERA r. PHILIP KEARNY. 



17 



As soon as the evacuation was discovered, General McClellan 
pursued the enemy up the peninsula, over such terrible roads, and 
with such a want of disciplined organization, that the army was more 
a mass of straggling men than a systematic array. Says Pollard : 
" The pursuing army toiled on through rain falling in torrents, over 
roads deep in mud, the men straggling, falling out, and halting with- 
out orders, the artillery, cavalry, infantry, and baggage intermingled in 
apparently inexplicable confusion." Hooker, also of Heintzelman's 
corps, was in the advance, Kearny far in the rear ; between them 
was Sumner's corps of some 30,000 men, besides other troops. Ma- 
gruder stood at bay at the fort which bears his name ; a severe 
action began, and Hooker was hardly pressed. He sent to Sumner 
for reenforcements. Sumner, under orders which the commanding 
general had given him, dared not, or at least did not, send him any 
troops. The message was forwarded to Kearny, and we shall let him 
describe his services in his own words : "At a quarter to eleven a.m., 
an oi'der was received from General Sumner to pass all the others, and 
proceed to the support of General Hooker, already engaged. With 
diflficulty and loss of time, my division at length made its way through 
the mass of troops and trains that encumbered the deep, muddy 
defile, until at Brick Church my route was to the left. At half past 
one, within three and a half miles of the battle-field, I halted my 
column to rest for the first time, and to get the lengthened files in 
command before committing them to action. Almost immediately, 
however, on orders from General Heiutzelman, our knapsacks were 
piled, and the head of the column resumed its march, taking the 
double-quick wherever the mud-holes would allow a footing. Ar- 
rived at one mile from the engagement, I received an order for detach- 
ing three regiments to the left position. Approaching nearer, word was 
brought by an aid that Hooker's cartridges were expended, and with 
increased rapidity we entered under fire. Having quickly consulted 
with General Hooker, I deployed one brigade on the left of the Wil- 
liamsburg road, another on its right, taking, to cover them and sup- 
port the remaining battery that had ceased to fire, two companies 
of another regiment. As our troops came into action, they passed 
the remnants of the brave men of Hooker, and commenced an unre- 
mitting, well-directed fire. However, from the lengthening of the 
files, a gap was occasioned by the withdrawal of three regiments 
from the column and the silence of this battery, and I was soon left 
no alternative but to lead forward to the charge two companies of 
Michigan volunteers to drive back the enemy's sharp-shooters, now 
crowding upon our pieces. This duty was performed, and enabled 
Major Wainwright, of Hooker's division, to collect his artillerists and 
reopen fire from several pieces. A new support was then collected 



18 MAJOR-GENERAL PHILIP KEARNY. 

from the Fifth Jersey, who, terribly decimated previously, again came 
forward with alacrity. Our forces were now successfully engaged, 
and kept steadily gaining ground ; but the heaviness of the timber of 
the abatis defied all direct approach, and, after advancing fresh 
marksmen from Poe's regiment, I ordered the Thirty-eighth JSTew- 
York to charge down the road and take the pieces in the centre of 
the abatis by their flank. This duty was performed ; still, the wave 
of impulsion, though nearly successful, did not quite prevail, but 
every point gained was fully sustained. The left wing of the Fortieth 
New- York was next sent for. It came up, conducted by Captain 
Mindil * of Birney's staff*, charged up to the appointed space, silenced 
some light 'artillery, and, gaining the enemy's rear, caused him to re- 
linquish his works. The victory was ours. About this period, Gen- 
eral Jameson brought up the rear brigade and detached regiments, and 
a second line was established, and two columns of regiments made 
disposable for further moves ; but darkness, with the still drizzling 
rain, now closed in, and the regiments bivouacked on the field they 
had won. The reconnoissance during the night and the early patrols 
of the morning revealed the enemy retreating ; the enemy's works 
were entered, and the position taken in full force," 

General Kearny's forces in this battle were entirely disproportion- 
ate to his success. He entered with five regiments, from all of 
whom many men had straggled, leaving him at the first the sum of 
1900 men. In his correspondence he says: "We dashed in at 
double-quick, our band playing, and, rather reckless of myself, I 
located my men right, leading them off" personally from the word ffo. 
At the outset, seeing that time was pressing, I charged back the 
mass of the enemy's sharp-shooters, who thought the field their own, 
our pieces having been abandoned by the gunners, with only two com- 
panies, barely eighty men. But I remembered that such things had 
been done before, and had no alternative, for my regiments had never 
from morning been allowed to close up ; and so off* I went, too con- 
spicuous from my showy horse, and for several hundred yards down 
the road, with bristling abatis on each side, filled with the enemy's 
marksmen. This, like all such things, only succeeded because tlie 
enemy presumes them, few as they are, the precursors of crowds 
behind." 

It was the source of the deepest mortification to General Kearny 
that his services on this occasion seemed entirely unappreciated by 
his commanding ofiicer. When the battle took place. General 
McClellan was far m the rear. The importunity of Governor Sprague 
prevailed on him to go to the front, and he arrived in time to witness 
the gallantry of Hancock, engaged far on the right, and who, charging 

* Since Brigadier-General Mindi], Colonel of New-Jersey Thirty-third. 



MAJOR-GENERAL PHILIP KEARNY. 19 

with bis whole brigade just at dusk, contributed, with the loss of only 
thirty men, to the final victory. The entire Federal loss was 2228. 
Two thirds of this fell upon Hooker, the rest upon Kearny, demon- 
strating where the real fighting had been^; yet, in his first bulletin, 
General McClcllan, though infoi-med by his own aid of the facts, (so 
Kearny says,) absolutely failed even to mention either Hooker or 
Kearny, to their great and just indignation, for the success at Wil- 
liamsburg evidently saved the army. Huddled in confused masses, 
the artillery fastened in the mud, the infantry straggling and wading 
through the Avoods, the cavalry, baggage-wagons, and all the para- 
phernalia of an advance confusedly edging along through miry roads, 
panic would have been ruin. Scarce any of the troops had ever been 
in action, and, had the enemy been victorious, a j^anic would have been 
almost unavoidable, and General Kearny felt that he had prevented 
this by the utmost hazard of his person. He was not proud of reck- 
lessness, but he knew that there were times when exposure was es- 
sential. " It is true," he writes, " that I was feai'fuUy exposed ; for, 
whilst the entire regiment would be sheltered by logs, I was the only 
officer mounted and quite in view, the only object aimed at by many 
hardly fifty feet from me. I could not do otherwise, for we had the 
largest part of the work before us, and very few to do it. It was not 
useless recklessness ; it saved the day." 

General Kearny expected a rapid advance from Williamsbnrg ; 
he knew the discomfiture and panic of the rebels. Instant pursuit and 
the following of it up would, in his opinion, have enabled us either 
to enter Richmond with them, or, at least, gain the advantage of posi- 
tion ; but again he found nothing but tardiness and delay. The dis- 
tance from Willianisburg was a little more than forty miles. On the 
eighth, three days after the battle, our troops collected there began 
to move, and in two days they marched nineteen miles. On the thir- 
teenth, the army was concentrated near West-Point, and not until the 
twentieth did Stoneman's cavalry reach the Chickahominy at New- 
Bridge, whilst the main forces were not in position until the twenty- 
fourth. The camjj of General Kearny was established on the Wil- 
liamsburg road, near Bottom's Bridge, over the Chickahominy. Ca- 
sey's division of Keyes's corps crossed the twentieth of April, and 
Heintzelman's corps, including Kearny's division, was thi'own for- 
ward in support, and Bottom's Bridge rebuilt, to connect them with 
the main army. These forces were a part of our left wing ; the right 
wing had been thrown well forward, in order, so McClellan states, to 
insure a junction Avith McDowell's force, which he expected from 
Fi-edericksburg. Tlie operation, as will be seen by the map, placed 
the Chickahominy between the wings of the army ; the Second Corps 
were on the i-ight bank of that stream, the Third on the left, and, 



20 MAJOR-GENERAL PHILIP KEARNY. 

thus situated, the quick eye of Kearny saw and prophesied the dan- 
gers. On the twenty-eighth day of May he writes to a corresj)ond- 
ent as follows : " And now for our present affairs. They seem to move 
on tolerably, but without vitality, and with hourly signs of a want of 
talent and administration. We are likely to have a full battle in a 
very few hours. I confess myself not over-sanguine about it. By 
mismanagement the army has lost one third (by sickness and strag- 
glers) since leaving Yorktown. Those brigades within my hearing 
only average about two thousand, instead of over three thousand ; 
they should be four thousand. But this is not all. McClellan, most 
unfortunately, is putting up, every three or four miles or less, succes- 
sive lines of rifle-pits, miles in length, thus too openly imparting to 
the soldiers his own personal distrust of them." In another letter he 
writes thus : " "We are on the eve of a great battle, which is to de- 
cide the fate of Virginia. The enemy will fight well, although shaken 
by the defeat at Williamsburg. I presume that, after our lead-off the 
other day, the rest of the army will fight well ; but McClellan has 
been most injudicious with his ill-organized marches, and easy per- 
mission to the men to escape home and be sent back on the slightest 
pretext of sickness. McClellan has been too slow ; he should have 
annihilated the enemy in Williamsburg before they could have reached 
the Chickahominy. Until within three days lie evidently had no fixed 
plan of action ; since then he has done better. The battle will be on 
Wednesday. Unless a Bull Run, it will be a full success ; if a Bull 
Run, I expect that my division will be the only one to escape. I have 
my men completely in hand ; they became very enthusiastic for me, 
but I have seen so much mismanagement that nothing will take me 
unawares." We did have " a full battle in a veiy few hours " ; it 
was the battle of Fair Oaks, called by the rebels Seven Pines. Fail' 
Oaks is a station on the railroad ; Seven Pines a locality close by, 
where Keyes, commanding our advance corps, was intrenched. John- 
ston, then in command of the rebel forces, learning only on the thir- 
tieth of May that Keyes's corps was upon the Richmond side of the 
stream, resolved to attack it the next morning, hoping to be able 
to defeat Keyes's corps completely in his advanced position before it 
could be reenforced. The attack was to be made by four fall divi- 
sions — Huger, Longstreet, D. H. Hill, and G. W. Smith — comprising 
forty-eight thousand men. The main assault was to be made in front 
by Longstreet, with his own division and that of Hill ; Huger was to 
move down the Charles City road, and attack the left flank of the 
force engaged by Longstreet, while Smith was to march to the junc- 
tion of New-Bridge and Nine Mile roacls, and be ready to assail the 
right flank of Keyes and cover Longstreet's left. On the night of the 
twenty-ninth, a violent storm occurred ; the Chickahominy was swol- 



MAJOE-GENERAL PHILIP KEARNY. 21 

len and overflowed ; the left wing of the Union army, greatly over- 
matched by the mimbers of the enemy, seemed doomed to destruc- 
tion. The attack was to be made at daybreak, but Huger, prevented 
by the swollen stream, did not come up. At a late hour of the day, 
Longstreet determined to move with his own and with Hill's division, 
and accomplish Avhatever results were possible. Casey's division was 
in advance, at Fair Oaks farm, three quarters of a mile in front of 
Seven Pines, its pickets being pushed one third of a mile further up 
to the edge of the wood which screened the enemy from view. There 
being indications of an impending attack, Keyes ordered his division 
to be under arras at eleven o'clock. Receiving neAvs that the enemy 
were coming down the Williamsburg road, Casey advanced several 
batteries to meet them, and sent back for reenforcements. He had 
scarcely done this when the enemy burst through the woods. His 
pickets and following regiments were swept back in confusion. To 
save his guns, a charge was made upon the enemy, which was met 
with a furious fire of musketry, and forced back. The guns were 
saved, excepting one, and then the whole division fell back to the 
line of defense at Fair Oaks farm, one third of a mile behind. Here 
they stood for three hours, but at length fell back three quarters of a 
mile further to Seven Pines, then held by Couch's division. This 
retreat was made just in time ; as it was, they lost a battery of five 
guns. Couch's division, at Seven Pines, had been weakened by send- 
ing regiments to support Casey ; their line of defense lay across the 
road ; their corps commander, Keyes, brought forward reenforce- 
ments and made a stand ; but Longstreet's force, coming up, assailed 
the line in front and on both flanks, and Couch was forced from his 
position, and withdrcAV to Fair Oaks station, where he took j^art in 
the action just begun at that point. Kearny's division now came 
upon the field, and sustained the almost discomfited Union forces 
mitil about five o'clock, Avhen they again gave way and fell back from 
ScA^en Pines. How Kearny came up, and Avhat part he took in the 
battle, we Avill noAV let him tell in his own words: "As the battle 
came oif quite unexpectedly yesterday, I hasten to send you a line, 
knowing how anxious you will be, and to say that I thank God 
that the great risks (for it was again a crisis of sa\ung a runaAvay 
people) I ran have not resulted in even a light Avound. I was 
visiting some friends the other side of the Chickahominy, some 
five or six miles off", Avhen a rattle of musketry Avas heard, and I 
instantly felt that I was concerned in it. So, mounting, I galloped 
back, and was just in time to lead my men some miles to the front, 
to save a huge corps that had run like good fellows at the first 
attack. This time it Avas an old acquaintance in Mexico, General 
Casey, whose men gave Avay most shamefully — filling the roads from 



y 



22 MAJOR-GENERAL PHILIP KEARNY. 

the battle-field to our camp, three and a half miles — and ran away- 
worse than at Bull Run. I am used to many strange sights, but, 
when I saw before the race of the fugitives a whole line of wagons 
going full tilt, I thought that many a pretty bold man might well 
have his senses turned. Then came a stream of fugitives, and finally 
they poured in in masses. My superior, Heintzelman, had previously 
ordered me to leave a brigade in the rear. He then first sent to me 
to send away one brigade by the railroad, quite away from my con- 
trol, and then a brigade up to the battle-field. I accompanied this, 
ordered, at my own responsibility, my absent brigade, (Jameson's,) 
and pushed on at a fearful pace. I got under fire, as usual, and was 
sent to charge^ whilst thousands of those I came to help were left 
quietly to be passed by, by me, and crouch down in the rifle-pits and 
fortifications. We put right in, and I drove back the enemy ; but 
McCIellan's injustice has changed my men. They followed me, after 
a fashion, but were cold and slow ; still, I won every thing. When 
the enemy got behind us, and the troops in the rear ran like sheep, I 
flew to them, hurrahed at them, waved my cap, and, turning them, 
led them into the fight again. I had hardly done this, when another 
large party of the enemy stole in behind my brigade, and I was nearly 
cut off from my own men; but, rushing to a wood near by, I made a 
stand. However, I looked back at my recent borrowed followers, 
and found them and all the others — some seven or eight thousand — 
of that line (Keyes's corps) running like good fellows, and masses of 
the enemy regularly, but surely, rapidly, and sternly, pursuing them, 
keeping the only reported roads of retreat. Thinks I to myself, I am 
cut off, me and mine. Most fortunately, I had that very morning 
examined, with a fine guide, all that secret, locked-up countiy of 
forests and swamps. I saw that they hoped to cut me off from re- 
treat by getting between me and White Oak swamp. By this time 
a regiment of mine, attracted by the firing in their rear, came along 
in the woods. I charged the enemy in rear, and would have gained 
the day but for continuous reenforcements. But I fought them long 
enough to enable all my intercej^ted regiments to retire by a secret 
road through the swamp ; got back to my position — a very strong 
one, from which I should not have been taken — before the enemy 
arrived there, and again offered the sole barrier when all else was 
confusion. Still, this was not victory. It was the first time that I 
had not slept on the "battle-field, and, but for the mismanagement as 
to our battle at Williamsburg, I would have been victorious here 
too ; still, it is most infecting to be sent for to restore a fight, and 
see hordes of others panic-stricken, disobedient, craven, and down- 
cast. Anywhere, it is a disagreeable sight to see the wounded being 
carried off the field of battle — even from a victorious one. I have 



MAJOR-GENERAL PHILIP KEARNY. 23 

again had an aid wounded, and lost my beautiful bay colt, wbich was 
shot from under me. I was not so long, but at times more ex- 
2wsed than ever ; my colt, being very fractious, kept me, while plung- 
ing, in a perfect current of cannon and rifle balls, and alone in the 
fiice of too many scamps, who seemed to pick me out. It was at this 
time that my colt received his first wound ; an hour later he was 
killed under me, and I mounted the horse of an adjutant who chanced 
to follow." 

While this battle was going on, Sumner, receiving orders from 
General McClellan six iniles away, advanced two divisions across the 
rapidly swelling river, and with another (Sedgwick's) jDushed on to 
Fair Oaks station ; there met General Couch, and formed a line 
along the north side of the railroad, from the station eastward. At 
five o'clock, the enemy opened a furious attack upon his centre, hop- 
ing to get possession of a battery of artillery there posted. The 
early twilight was just closing in, when Sumner charged with six 
regiments, directly into the woods, and hurled the enemy back in 
confusion. At this moment, General Johnston, who was overseeing 
the battle there, was severely wounded, and carried from the field. 
The next day the attack was fiercely renewed, repulsed, and again 
renewed, but without success. Meanwhile Hooker, coming up from 
the left, found Kearny's forces, a brigade of General Bii-ney, drawn 
up in line of battle, and with these fell upon the enemy's rear, after 
an hour's hard fighting pushed them through the woods, then or- 
dered a bayonet charge, and the enemy broke and fled towai'd 
Richmond. Sumner's force, at the same time, further advanced, and 
charged, giving them victory there. The Confederates retired upon 
the forces who had the day before gained the battle of Seven Pines, 
and the whole army moved back, utterly foiled in the object for 
which the attack had been made, broken and dispirited. It is 
now well known that, had McClellan been aware how utterly broken 
it was, he might have marched straight on to Richmond on the 1st 
of June. Its approaches were totally unfortified. Hooker and 
Kearny were both earnest, not only in opinion, but in requesting 
McClellan to pursue the enemy and to take Richmond. Hooker ad- 
vanced the day after, a mile or moi-e toward Richmond, meeting no 
resistance, but was recalled by a telegram that he should return from 
his brilliant reconnoissance, " We can not afford to lose his division," 
and then a long delay again. Fair Oaks, first a disaster, and then, 
by dint of the exertions of Kearny on the first day, and of Hooker 
and Kearny on the second, turned into victory, gave our arms no real 
advantage. Our army went to rest in the swamps of the Chickaho- 
miny, dying with disease, rusting with inaction ; the country still 
looking on patiently and full of faith, hopeful each day of some 



24 MAJOE-GES'ESAJL PHILIP KF.APJST. 

croTTBing victory. We again recur to the correspondence of Gen- 
eral Keamy. Under date of the 22d of June, he writes as follows : 
'• I am sorry that I can not give you interesting news. Here we are 
again at a dead-lock ; Manassas over again ; both parties intrenched 
up to their eyes ; both waiting for something : unluckily, our adver- 
saries gaining two to our one. Our last chance to conquer Richmond 
— ^for Dame Fortune is resentfol of slighted charms — was thrown away 
when our great battle of Fair Oaks was thrown away. TTe had 
tempted the enemy to attack us whilst divided by the Chickahominy. 
Fortunately, he failed. The prestige, nearly lost to us by our inac- 
tion since Williamsburg, was once more in the ascendency. It only 
required McClellan to put forth moral force and his military might, 
and Richmond would have been ours. But no ; delay on delay, for- 
tifications, as if we were beaten, met by stronger counter-fortifica- 
tions, on points previously neglected ; undue concentration of our 
troops on points already over-manned, met by a net- work enveloping 
us by them ; supineness in our camps, met by daring forays by them ; 
the boasted influence of our reserve artillery, counterbalanced by 
their availing themselves of the respite to get up artillery even of 
greater calibre ; the reliance on further troops from the Xorth more 
than met by reenforcements of two to one by their recalling troops 
from the South- Indeed, every thing so betokens fear on the part of 
the general commanding, and the enemy show themselves so em- 
boldened, that, with the numbers crowding up around us, I am puz- 
zled to divine the next act of the drama. It xcUl be either another 
inexplicable evacuation, or the sir^ocafion of this army by the seizure 
of owr communications \then least expected. The enemy wish us 
to attack. McClellan has proved by his fortifications that he is 
feeble. We are surrounded in front by a cordon of troops and forts. 
It is true that they will fail if they attack us : but, if they do not do 
that, they wiU leave enough troops in our front, and, crossing the 
Chickahominy, cut us oJF from our lines of communication and sus- 
tenance.^ As before Fair Oaks, we have seen General Kearny pro- 
phesying a battle, and expressing his apprehension that, owing to the 
careless manner in which the troops were arranged, some would be 
cut oS, almost the picture of what really did occur : so here we 
have him, not a week before, prophesying the foray of Jackson, and 
anticipating that magnificent attack UT>on our communications which 
resulted in the far-£imed '* change of base," and brought with it 
almost ruin to the hopes of the Fnion. 

It would be impossible and even useless here to recite the history 
of those dreadful seven days of retreat, disaster, and confusion ; 
daily victory and nightly retreat, strewing the roads through which 
our armv draesred its wearv wav with the dead and wotmded and 



MAJOR-GENERAL PHILIP KEARNY. 25 

dying ; those never-to-be-forgotten fights, Gaines's Mills, Savage's 
Station, Glendale, and, last of all, Malvern Hill, at the three last of 
which victory was really with us, but in each of which we, by re- 
treating, basely acknowledged defeat ; from the last two of which, 
certainly the last, the army might, Avith a, leader of any nerve, have 
marched straight to the coveted prize — ^Richmond. It would be use- 
less, I say, to recite the horrors and glories of those unparalleled 
fields, and particularize the efforts and successes which attended the 
fighting division of " Fighting Phil Kearny." Sufiice it to say that 
his troops were always engaged ; his commanding eye always busy ; 
. his successes always resplendent, even when all around was defeat ; 
and that he always purchased what he earned by the same high 
qualities of indomitable courage, sustained by self-exposure, inspiring 
his men at once by the skill which they saw him display, and by the 
fearlessness and magnanimity with which he always went wherever 
he declared it their duty to go. These battles were not planned or 
fought by the commanding general. At no one time, except for a 
short time at Malvern Hill, was he ever present ; his participation con- 
sisted in determining the points where stands would be made by the 
regiments ; the battle would be made by the commanders under him ; 
and each for the most jjart'took care of his own division or his corps. 
Sad days were those, not only for the army, whose bravery was never 
more resplendent, but for the people, whose eyes beheld the worth- 
lessness of all upon Avhich they relied, who mourned a son or friend 
in every hamlet and in almost every house, and at the end stood ap- 
palled and paralyzed, not knowing whence relief could come, and who 
might have given up the contest, but for their unfaltering trust that 
a cause so right could not perish. 

It will be more interesting, and more in accordance with our 
present purpose, to resume again the correspondence of General 
Kearny, and thence derive our acquaintance with his military charac- 
ter. A letter of anxious inquiry had been written to him respect- 
ing the fate of Major Ryerson,* of Sussex, reported at first to have 
fallen. Under date of the 10th of July, from Harrison's Landing, he 
writes as follows : " Your request as to Major Ryerson's effects shall 
be attended to ; but I am glad to have it from reliable sources that he 
is a prisoner, and not dangerously though badly wounded. The 
siege of Richmond was raised, and here we are drifting down the 
stream. How curious all this verification of prognostications I so 
correctly read, and yet feared to translate ; so strangely correct have 
been my instincts in this war as in previous ones. In Italy, in 1859, 
it was the same thing, and made my betters sometimes wonder ; but 
this war is plain to those who, with experience, will take pains to 

* Afterward killed at tlie " Wilderness." 



26 MAJOR-GENERAL PHILIP KEARNY. 

look danger in tlie face, to leave little to mere hope, and remember 
that a Southern army can not afford to be idle. Our coming here 
has been a most cowardly and unwise alternative. The battles on 
the left bank of the Chickahominy were mismanaged. I had been 
over there several days before, and observed to all around how 
we would be strategically and tactically whipped ; attacked from an 
inland point not provided against, and be thrown down-hill, and then 
have to work up again, and be thus crippled and destroyed. It oc- 
curred so precisely. Then comes the fearful error of McClellan's 
want of nerve. Instead of instanter reducing his line of defense to 
a certain intrenched tUe-de-pont on the right bank, merely covering 
Bottom's Bridge and the railroad bridge, and beyond which he never 
should have made a serious advance short of adopting an attack and 
rushing into Richmond by that side — a Ute-de-pont fully fortified and 
strong ; and crossing the night of the first, or certainly the second 
battle, when he could no longer have been deceived, cdl his troops^ 
except the 10,000 men requisite for the Ute-de-pont^ to the left bank, 
there to defy and give a general battle — and the ground was ad- 
mirable for us ; then, in case of victory, recrossiug and rushing into 
Richmond; in case of defeat, retiring, as other beaten armies do, 
back along his line of communications, to his basis of operations, be 
it to White House, be it to Williamsburg, be it to Yorktown ; thus 
always firm, always secure, ahvays covering his own supply, always 
embarrassing his enemy by drawing them on when they have no trans- 
portation to follow, when they dare not leave Richmond too far. 
Instead of all this, as simple as the pursuit of the panic-stricken army 
nmning from Manassas, he loses head and heart, throws himself back 
on the shipping, and gulls the silly public with a hard name, namely, 
that he has changed his base of operations. This is false, and by this 
time he knows it. We have no basis whatever to act on. As to as- 
cending the James, when, after the successful fight at Malvern Hill, 
he yielded the strongest battle-field that we have yet had, he gave to 
the enemy a fearfully strong position which debars our future ad- 
vance. As to crossing the James river, that is out of the question. 
It would result in nothing, but only the more endanger Washington. 
And now I distinctly assure you that there are ninety-nine chances in 
a hundred of Washington's being taken in less than fifteen days. But 
the falsity of the James river being a base of operations is this, that 
it is quietly known that, if there were full jDeace, the James river has 
been so effectively obstructed that it could not be cleared under 
many weeks ; besides, gunboats are overrated. The enemy fought 
very cowardly in the West, hence their success. In this region the 
rebels face full batteries on the open ground, hurling grape at them, 



MAJOR-GENERAL PHILIP KEARNY. 27 

and come up to the muzzles of the guns. This was the case on the 
30th ult., on the New-Market road, where nothing but my so-called 
personal rashness in heading the Sixty-third Pennsylvania and a 
part of the Thirty-seventh New- York, in leading them to the 
charge, saved my pieces. To me the most cruel thing of this 
war is the unhandsome attemjDt of crushing my military mastery of 
my profession under the decrying epithets of rashness. My best 
results of head would often fail but for the stimulus of my lead, 
No; very far from having a base to act on, General McClellan 
has hoxed us. You will soon hear of the James river being ren- 
dered impassable for our supplies, and then, like drowned rats, we 
must soon come out of our holes. But it will be done with more 
awful sacrifices, of useless because avoidable battles. We are for- 
tifying here again, unnecessarily so. It breaks the hearts of the 
soldiers, gives them the idea that they can not win fields, and yet in 
a few days, sooner or later, we will have to burst through the net- 
work that the enemy are preparing around us, and, if we do not, look 
out for Washington. That city ivill go. They will crush Pope, by 
leaving McClellan in ignorance of their departure, then for a foreign 
alliance, and good-night to the North. Even now McClellan's defeat 
will be likely to produce this. His 'change of base' may cheat the 
American neswpapers and fool the American people ; but the igno- 
minious retreat, the abandonment of the sick and wounded, the 
abandonment of stores, and loss of strategical supremacy can not 
be concealed from military eyes in France, England, nor elsewhere. 
So much for McClellan and the politicians. 

" P.S. — One curious fact: knowing the ease of carrying off my sick 
and wounded from Fair Oaks, (I sent them off early,) I was ordered 
to unload them and abandon them ; but I did not, and carried them 
off, but, although I had twenty empty wagons, was prevented tak- 
ing off those of another hospital. Fortunately, they, too, principally 
got clear," 

I will not apologize for extracting this long letter. There is much 
in it to exhibit the peculiarities of General Kearny's chai-acter. 
Next to his sense of the disgrace inflicted upon the army at large, 
and the country, by the retreat which he so severely denounced, was 
his grief at the losses and almost ruin of his pet Jersey brigade, 
upon whose fate he ever looked with parental anxiety. " I am sick- 
ened," he writes in a letter of July 24th, "by the falseness of the 
times, and the gratuitous sacrifice of the Jersey brigade is enough 
to. make me so. Why did not their division general go to com- 
mand in person ? It was his own part of the divisioii, (Slocura's.) 
It was half of his provisional corps, and surely why not place it in 



28 MAJOR-aENEKAL PHILIP KEARNY. 

the figbt, even if he did no more ? There is some awful secret his- 
tory to this Slocum's division at Friday's fight. You will learn it in 
the end; the battle which had been won was lost by imbecility." 
July 31st, he writes : "Major Ryei'son is home to tell his own story, 
and more have escaped than we counted on. I am much affected 
by two circumstances, the loss of the colors of the Second regiment, 
and the surrender of the Fourth, with scarcely a man hurt, all of 
which only proves the want of confidence incident on a want of mili- 
tary management on the part of the' noblest troops on the earth, 
my old brigade, in that disastrous battle of the, 2 7th of June, on the 
Chickahominy. General Taylor tells a sad story of it ; the brave 
Hexamer, of the battery, even worse ; and yet McClellan screens 
Porter, and Congress brevets him. As to their commanding gen- 
eral, I can not understand how a general like him, with his legiti- 
mate division, one half of his command committed to fight under 
his own eye, in his very presence, and that he should have never 
taken charge of their welfare. At Williamsburg, I engaged the 
enemy with but five regiments, and at Fair Oaks with but one 
brigade, and yet this is set down as rashness of my own person. I 
dislike to think of this, the noblest brigade in the army, frittered to 
shreds in a moment. How truly and honestly would I have served 
under General Cook, had Jersey but united her soldiers for us. 

" Our great anniversary is hardly past, recalling most painfully the 
uprising of the ISTorth at this epoch last year, till then much treach- 
ery, but not a reverse of arms. How vividly do I recall, in an ora- 
tion I heard that day, the truthful tribute to General Scott, as the 
only man who could have impressed with certain victory the mass of 
his countrymen, who, had he been left in general control, would have 
mesmerized us with his own unrivaled conviction of success. But 
where are we noAV ? "Whither has gone the dignity of the finest 
army ever raised in the hemisphere, if I may not say the world ? 
All disappeai-ed, as if wilted by the touch of some evil genius's 
wand. An ai*my victorious in retreat, even brilliantly so in the ad- 
vance, and even in the false position into which it had been exposed, 
more lavish of blood than aught history presents on record ; and 
yet all this timorously j^laced in a cul-de-sac of w^hich the enemy holds 
the strings. 

" I am glad," he proceeds, " to hear you boldly mention the prin- 
ciple of drafts. Believe me, without it, not only is the Union im- 
periled, but I will not answer for the existence of the North. The 
Southerners have long years jDroclaimed that they could of all peo- 
ple the best sustain a war. Is the North to shut her eyes to the 
past, and forget Sparta and the Helots, a fighting aristocracy, and 



MAJOR-GENERAL PHILIP KEARNY. 29 

tte cultivator a slave ? The slotbfulness of the North, the schisms 
of its politicians, the trifling of all — in fine, this crisis, dictated by 
small men of small motives, has developed in the South confidence, 
and increased venom and the activity of hopefulness, even more 
than the sj^asmodic action of despair. They have boldly launched 
into the experiment which Washington dared not, even for our 
sacred Revolution ; and they have invented the conscription, in Avhich 
they have succeeded by terrorism, or as likely because, from our tem- 
porizing, the South is united to a man ; and thus from being vs^eak, 
comparatively, in population, it is they who outnumber us at present, 
and will do so the more each succeeding day. Do not be deceived 
by big words ; we have been blinded by them too long. Do not 
believe that you can starve them by intercepting railroads. In the 
first place, the position of any railroad argues an unlimited concen- 
tration against the assailant, a speedy return to another quarter. 
But that apart, do not let us fancy that if, for thirty years, all Ger- 
many was overrun by armies, living as they went ; if that same 
country was more recently the theatre of war for twenty years of 
the vast forces of Napoleonic times, and with armies that moved 
with hardly a provision train, there is any starving an army in 
the heart of Virginia, where, cut what roads you may, you still have 
manifold branches near at hand. Besides, look out ! the war will be 
carried into Egypt, and our own purse-strings will be unfastened with 
a vengeance. 

" Why we hesitate, I cannot imagine. It is fearful infatuation to 
wait. The people are ripe for it, as you remark. Of course they 
are. First, they are earnest as patriots ; and next, they have an 
instinct of the storm brewing in the horizon. Why the enemy leave 
us as long alone really embarrasses me ; not but that it is very cer- 
tain that their tremendous, luiparalleled daring in facing our 
artillery has been attended with unparalleled loss. Though suc- 
cessful on the Chickahominy against Porter ; unsuccessful, on the 30th 
of June, on the New-Market road ; by the spirited advance of the 
Sixty-third Pennsylvania and half the Thirty-seventh New- York, 
which I led up against ten times our number, who, unchecked by 
the ceaseless discharge of six pieces firing grape, nearly reached the 
muzzles as soon as ourselves ; again unsuccessful at Malvern Heights, 
from its amphitheatre shape, permitting a concentration of our over- 
numerous artillery, (the only battle where it has come well into 
play,) the result of all which was, for the moment, that they could 
no longer force their men to an immediate repetition. I myself 
think that they can never repeat it, for it is unusual in war ; it is 
against the axioms of Napoleon as to the capabilities of human 



30 MAJOR-GENERAL PHILIP KEARNY. 

courage. Still, their losses, though surpassing ours, are more than 
made good." 

The same letter contains General Kearny's views on a question 
then much mooted — the employment of negroes in aid of the Union 
cause. He says : " But besides drafting, it is time for us to deprive 
the enemy of their extraneous engines of Avar. There is no more 
Southern man at heart than myself. I am so from education, as- 
sociation, and from being a purely unprejudiced lover of the Union. 
But this is now no longer time for hesitation. As the blacks are the 
rural military force of the South, so should they indiscriminately be 
received, if not seized and sent off. I would not arm them, but I 
would use them to spare our whites, needed with their colors ; needed 
to drill, that first source of discipline — that first utility in battle. 
But in furtherance of this, instead of the usual twenty pioneers per 
regiment, I would select fifty stalwart blacks ; give them the ax, 
the pick, and the spade. But give them high military organiza- 
tion. We want bands — give twenty blacks — again military organ- 
ization. So, too, cooks for the companies, teamsters — even artillery 
drivers. Do not stop there — and always without arms — organize 
engineer regiments of blacks for the fortifications, pontoon regiments 
of blacks, black hospital coi-ps of nurses. Put this in practice, and 
the day that, from European intei'ference, we have to look Mtterness 
nearly in the face, then, and not till then, awaken to the conviction 
that you have an array of over fifty thousand highly disciplined s'ol- 
diery — superior to double the number of our ordinary run of badly 
diciplined, badly officered, unreliable regiments now intrusted with 
the fortunes of the North. I would seek French officers for them, 
from their peculiar gift over " natives." In their own service they 
easily beat the Arabs— and then officer them and surpass their own 
troops in desperate valor. Also, I should advise some Jamaica ser- 
geants of the black regiments. As for the Avomen, employ them in 
hospitals, and in making cartridges, etc. I know the Southern cha- 
racter intimately. It is not truly brave. It is at times desperate, in- 
vincible if successful — most dispirited if the reverse — is intimidated 
at a distant idea, which they would encounter, if suddenly brought 
to them, face to face. This idea of black adjuncts to the military 
awakens nothing inhuman. It but prevents the slave, run away or 
abandoned to us, from becoming a moneyed pressure upon us. It 
eventually would prepare them for freedom ; for surely we do not 
intend to give them to their rebel masters. In fine, why have Ave 
even noAv many old soldiers on the frontier garrisons ? Send there a 
black regiment on trial — not at once, but gradually — by the process 
I naiued above. Do this, and besides acquiring a strong provisional 
army, you magnify your present one by over fifty thousand men." 



MAJOR-GENERAL PHILIP KEARNY. 31 

The spirit of General Kearny was much injured by the disastrous 
"seven days" from Fair Oaks to Harrison's Landing. He saw 
victory thrown away, thousands of gallant lives expended, millions 
of treasure wasted, all from incompetency, and, as he thought him- 
self compelled to believe, a semi-treasonable political creed, while 
still no change was made, and in truth he himself could see no man 
on whom the country should dare to rely. And he thought his own 
services unappreciated, and deserved promotion hopeless. He 
himself had ever been victor. It is a fact that his division never 
failed to carry their object. He knew that whatever glory be- 
longed to his corps was earned mainly by himself and Hooker. 
He saw many unsuccessful men advanced, while he Avas utterly 
ignored. Over and over again does he speak in his letters with 
haughty disgust of the " small men of small motives " who managed 
tliis great war. And he began seriously to think that he should 
"no longer consent to be their puppet." His life at Harrison's Bar 
was one of comparative rest. In his letters home he describes with 
enthusiasm the beauties of the scenery, and encourages the loved 
ones from whom he was absent by descriptions of the comparative 
comfort he enjoyed. But he was anxious to be rid of the leader- 
ship of McCIellan. And the time soon came. 

The ominous absence of attack from the enemy soon revealed 
itself. The rebel general, leaving our forces, as Kearny satirically 
expresses it, " boxed up like herrings," gathered all his own for an 
attack on Pope. Before the authorities at Washington fully divined 
his object, McCIellan was ordered to witlidraw from the peninsula. 
On his demurring, the order became peremptory, and was obeyed. 
Heintzelman, with Kearny and Hooker, was the advance-guard of 
the movement. On the 19th of August, Kearny reached Yorktown, 
" after some forced marching," he says, " in the, wrong direction, 
ennuied and sick." On the 25th, he joined General Pope, and en- 
tered upon his final campaign, its hero, and alas ! its victim. 

His health at this time was by no means good. He complained in 
his correspondence that, except when in the saddle, he was almost 
incapable of exertion ; that he returned from wearisome riding so 
exhausted as to be compelled to throw himself down and rest, with- 
out power of self-renewal ; and he several times expresses his wonder 
that Avhen on horseback (where, without exaggeration, were his 
headquarters) all his ailments seemed to pass away, and he found 
himself possessed of his accustomed energy. With ill health, there 
was much depression of spirits. Disappointed by the failure of our 
arms, utterly faithless in his commanding general, disgusted with 
an apparent want of appreciation of himself, and Avith the prodigious 
waste of our wonderful resources, he entered upon this campaign 



32 MAJOR-GENERAL PHILIP KEARNY. 

with alertness, because it was under a new commander, but yet not 
with that assurance of success which usually made his military life 
his greatest happiness. 

To understand the connection of General Kearny with Pope's 
campaign, it will be necessary briefly to review some well-known 
events which occurred previously to Kearny's reaching him. 

A short time before General McClellan eifected his " change of 
base," the War Department had gathered together the disjointed 
forces in Northern Virginia, under Banks, McDowell, and Fremont, 
and consolidated them into the " Army of Virginia," under General 
John Pope. On assuming command, he concentrated his forces and 
threw them, some fifty thousand strong, in front of Washington, 
along the line of the Orange and Alexandria Railroad in the direc- 
tion of Gordonsville and Charlottesville. To prevent the seizure of 
those important points, necessary to his communication with South- 
western Virginia, Lee sent forward the untiring Jackson with Gen- 
eral Ewell, and afterward A. P. Hill. On the Vth and 8th of August, 
Jackson crossed the Rapidan and moved toward Culpeper. Pope 
advanced Banks to meet him, toward Cedar Mountain, and there 
occurred the battle so-named, where Banks manfully struggled with 
superior forces, and, though defeated, stood firm until Jackson 
withdrew to Gordonsville. This was on the 11th of August. The 
previous orders to McClellan to leave the Peninsula were urgently 
repeated while these operations Avere going on, and their necessity 
became more evident daily. Lee soon learned of the evacuation, and 
hastened with all the rapidity he could command, to reach at once the 
army of General Pope, and defeat it before it could be reenforced. 
Expecting this. Pope retired nearer Washington, to meet the reen- 
forcements proposed to him, and the better, at the same time, to check 
the enemy, withdrew behind the Rappahannock. General Lee, find- 
ing its fords covered, left Longstreet there to mask a turning move- 
ment by Jackson on Pope's right by the way of Warrenton. Jackson 
accordingly ascended the river and crossed the head of his column 
(Early's Brigade) at Sulphur or Warrenton SjDrings on the 2 2d of 
August, while Stuart was thrown forward with 1500 cavalry, and 
swiftly passed around to the rear of our army at Catlett's Station, 
firing the camp, and actually capturing Pope's ofiicial papers and 
baggage. Jackson's flank march up the Rappahannock was met by 
a corresponding movement of Pope up the opposite bank, so that on 
the 24th August, Sigel, Banks, and Reno occupied Sulphur Springs, 
while Jackson lay on tlie opposite side of the stream ; but on the 25th, 
Jackson sti-uck out further to his left, crossed the upper Rappahan- 
nock, turned Pope's right, and bivouacked at Salem. Marching 
thirty-five miles next day, diverging eastward, he crossed the Bull 
Run Mountain through Thoroughfare Gap, a narrow defile near Gaines- 



MAJOR-GENERAL PHILIP KEARNY. 33 

ville, and at sunset he reached Bristoe Station, on the Orange and 
Alexandria Railroad, a point considerably in the rear of Pope. This 
he destroyed, and at the same time dispatched Stuart with his cav- 
alry and infantry to Manassas Junction, seven miles nearer Washing- 
ton. Here Stuart took a large amount of stores and many prisoners. 
Jackson had been ordered to throw his command between Washing- 
ton and General Pope, and break up his railroad communication, and 
he did it to the letter. 

While this bold manoeuvre was in progress, Kearny and others 
of Heintzelman's Corps had, as we have said, arrived at Warrenton 
Junction and reported to Pope. The audacious movement of Jack- 
son had placed himself and all Lee's army in great peril. Jackson 
was between the reenforcements advancing from Alexandria, and 
the main body of Pope. That General divined the opportunity, and 
immediately sought to cut off Jackson's retreat. On the morning of 
the 27th, he sent forward a column of 40,000, led by McDowell and 
Sigel, toward Gainesville, to prevent the advance of Longstreet and 
Lee through Thoroughfare Gap ; and this force was to be supported 
by Reno and Kearny, who were directed upon Greenwich, thus meet- 
ing evei'y avenue of approach by Longstreet and cutting off Jack- 
son's road of retreat, while he and Hooker moved along the rail- 
road toward Manassas Junction, there to encounter Jackson. 

The plan was brilliant, and promised complete success. Mc- 
Dowell's main interposing column reached its assigned position, as 
ordered, on the night of the 2'7th. Hooker, moving toward Manassas 
Junction, met Ewell at Bristoe and drove him. He marched back 
and rejoined Jackson at Manassas Junction^ And on the morning of 
August 2Sth it seemed as if Jackson could not escaj)e. But at three 
A.M., he commenced his evacuation of Manassas, moving nearer Wash- 
ington via Centreville, and seeking to make a detour around the 
forces encompassing him. Kearny, who was ordered forward toward 
Manassas, reached that point an hour after Jackson's rear-guard had 
left — but pushed forward, and late in the afternoon occupied Cen- 
treville, still behind the retreating Jackson, part of whose forces at 
six P.M. encountered King's division of McDowell's Corps, on the road 
toward Thoroughfare Gaj), and a severe engagement ensued, in which 
the rebels had the advantage. 

Pope, then at Centreville, heard of this collision at ten p.m. 
Sending orders to McDowell and King to hold their ground at all 
hazards, Kearny was pushed forward at one o'clock in the morning, 
from Centreville along the Warrenton turnpike, and ordered to hug 
Jackson close, so as to prevent his retreating northward toward Lees- 
burg. This movement was rapidly executed ; but other events soon 
made it abortive. 



34 MAJOR- GENERAL PHILIP KEARNY. 

For, at three p.m. of the same day, August 28th, General Long- 
street's advance reached ThoroughJfare Gap, and passed through it ; 
but encountering there a superior force, was checked and repulsed. 
"Without delay, it was heavily reenforced. Our troops were outnum- 
bered and driven. Early on the 29th, Longstreet's van was in Gaines- 
ville, passing on to the rescue of Jackson, and hastened by the roar 
of cannon; McDowell and King having gotten out of the way at 
night, retreating on Manassas Junction. Before noon, Longstreet 
came rapidly into action on the right of Jackson, already hotly en- 
gaged. The rebel army was once more reunited and felt itself in- 
vincible. 

Acquainted with all the natural advantages of the country, Jack- 
son disposed his troops, befoi'e Lee's advance had joined him, along 
the cut of an unfinished railroad, stretching from the Warrenton turn- 
pike in the direction of Sudley's Mill, intended as part of tlie track to 
connect the Manassas road directly with Alexandria. The mass of 
his troops were sheltered in thick woods behind the railroad cut and 
the embankment, which formed a ready-made parapet. General Si- 
gel attacked in the morning, and toward noon Avas joined by Reno, 
Hooker, and Kearny. There was brisk skirmishing all day. Long- 
street, though Pope did not know it, had joined. There had been an 
artillery contest, of no great moment, all day. At three p.m., Hooker 
was ordered to attack. He, rather unwillingly, obeyed with ^reat 
gallantry, but was at last driven back, and Kearny was ordered in 
likewise. Taking up his report, Ave find the following details : " In 
early afternoon General Pope's order Avas to send a pretty strong force 
directly to the front, to relieve the centre in the Avoods from pressure. 
Accordingly, I detached General Robinson Avithhis brigade and other 
regiments, [enumerating them.] General Robinson drove forward for 
several hundred yards; but the centre of the main body being short- 
ly after driven back and out of the woods, my detachments, thus ex- 
posed so considerably in front of all others, both flanks in air, Avere 
obliged to cease to advance and confine themselves to holding their 
own. At five o'clock, thinking, though at the risk of exposing my 
fighting line to enfilading, that I might drive the enemy by an unex- 
pected attack through the Avoods, I brought up additional forces, and 
changed front to the left, to sweep with a rush the first line of the 
enemy. This Avas most successful. The enemy rolled up on his own 
right. It presaged a victory for us all. Still our force was too light. 
The enemy rapidly brought up heavy reserves, so that our further 
progi'css was impeded. General Stevens came up gallantly in action 
to support us, but did not have the numbers." 

The report of the rebel General Hill tells this story thus : " The 
enemy prepared for a last and determined attempt. Their serried 



MAJOR-GENERAL PHILIP KEARNY. 35 

masses, overwlielming superiority of numbers, and bold bearing made 
the chances of victory to tremble in the balance. My own division 
had hardly one roiind per man remaining," etc. Says Early in his 
report: "My brigade and the Eighth Louisiana advanced throuo-h a 
field, and drove the enemy from the woods, and out of the railroad 
cut." 

It is related that Kearny's success, so far as it went, was derived 
from an early knowledge of this ground. General Hooker knew noth- 
ing of this " cut," went in, and was driven away. Kearny's study 
of the country enabled him at once to understand the position. He 
advanced upon the enemy on both sides of the cut, while the others 
attacked it in front, and thus for a while, and until reenforcements 
came, he succeeded in driving the enemy.. 

The next day, August 30th, was the fatal second Manassas, far 
more destructive and injurious to the North than the disgraceful 
Ball Run, so long our stigma and dishonor. The forces of Pope 
were in sad condition. Defeated, disheartened, lacking food, and 
wearied with continual watching, fighting, and marching, thousands 
had straggled from their commands, and those that remained fouo-ht 
with little hope. The truth was, they lacked confidence in their com- 
mandei*. Their instinct was not very incorrect. They followed Mc- 
Clellan more readily than Pope ; but even he had not fully their hearts. 
"When he made up his mind to act, McClellan used his means more 
skillfully than Pope. He would probably have succeeded had he not 
been essentially and by nature a defensive general. Did he ever 
once attack ? But such of the troops as were led by Kearny, Hook- 
er, and Reno were ever ready — dispirited at last, indeed, but always 
ready when their generals led. 

With this half-despairing army, Pope nevertheless determined again 
to fight the victorious rebels. Better perhaps to have retired upon 
McClellan, since he and his coi'ps commanders seemed resolved not to 
advance to him. The disposition of the troops was as follows : Heint, 
zelman, whose corps contained Hooker and Kearny, held the right of 
our line ; McDowell the left, while Fitz-John Porter, Sigel, and Reno 
held the centre. By one of those accidents which sometimes occur 
in war, Lee and Pope had each determined to attack their adver- 
sary's left. So Avhen Pope pushed forward for that purpose, he found 
no troops, and hence it was concluded that Lee was retreating up the 
Warrentoa turnpike toward Gainesville. So, McDowell was order- 
ed with three corps. Porter's in advance, to follow up the enemy and 
press him vigorously the Avhole day. But this pi'ovoked a heavy fire 
from the Confederate artillery, and, while the advance was checked, 
clouds of dust on the left showed that the enemy Avas moving to turn 
our extreme left. Lnmediately McDowell detached Reynolds from 



36 MAJOR-GENERAL PHILIP KEARNY. 

Porter's left and directed him on a position south of the Warrenton 
turnpike so as to check this menace. This position was a hill called 
Bald Hill, situate west of another hill, on which the Henry house 
stands, between them being a brook or creek. While it was judL 
cious in McDowell to occupy this point, the detachment of Reynolds 
for that purpose exposed the key-point of Porter's line. The enemy 
saw this, and poured in a destructive fire of artillery, and Porter's 
troops about five p.m. gave way and retired from the field. The Con- 
federate line then advanced to cut off the x-etreat of the Union forces. 
Bald Hill was carried ; it became doubtful v/hether even the " Henry 
House Hill " could be maintained so as to cover our retreat over Bull 
Run, for Longstreet had thrown around his right so as to menace that 
position. What I have said will enable us better to understand the 
further report of Kearny. " We took no part," he says, " in the fight 
of the morning, although we lost men by the enfilading fire of the 
enemy's batteries. A sudden and unaccountable evacuation of the 
field by the left and centre occurring about five p.m., on orders from 
General Pope, I massed my troops at the indicated point, but soon re- 
occupied, with Birney's Brigade, supported by Robinson, a very ad- 
vanced block of woods. The key-point of this new line rested on the 
Brown house toward the creek. This was held by regiments of other 
brigades. Soon, however, themselves attacked, they ceded ground 
and retired without warning us. I maintained my position till ten 
P.M., when, in connection with General Reno and General Gibbon, 
assigned to the rear-guard, I retired my brigades. My command 
arrived at Centreville in good order at two o'clock this morning, and 
encamped in front of the Centreville forts. My loss in killed and 
wounded is over 750, about one in three ; none taken prisoners except 
my engineer officer, who returned to the house supposed to be held by 
the troops alluded to." 

Translated, this report shows the state of the case. It was Heint- 
zelman — namely, Keai'ny and Hooker — who was to make the attack 
and open the battle. The enemy having massed to the other side of 
the line, they remained in position. When all was lost, Kearny remain- 
ed and covered the retreat. He was ever in the post of danger, for 
he was always reliable and never to be defeated. 

Arrived at Centreville, where were the corps of Franklin and Sum- 
ner, Pope remained there during all the 31st of August. And there 
Kearny penned the report from which I have quoted, the last he ever 
wrote. Thence, too, he wrote a letter in pencil, among the treasures 
of his family, a striking exhibition of his wonderful elasticity, his posi- 
tive enjoyment of conflict. I am permitted to use this relic: "I 
wrote you yesterday morning ; since then there has been a sort 
of Bull Run episode to the first day's fight. . . . It is dangerous 



MAJOR-GENERAL PHILIP KEARNY. 37 

work to figlit ill tliis avray; you have to fight ten times your share, 
and expese yourself, to prevent the demoralizing effect of almost cow- 
ardice in others. Hooker's Division is almost the only exception. 
This army ran like sheep, all hut a General Reno and a General Gib- 
bon. As for myself, I was abandoned shamefully. My only salvation 
depended on holding a certain hill and house in the rear, adjoining 
me. In the darkness of twilight the enemy came, fired a few trifling 
shots, and Stevens's people ran, we alongside never dreaming of it. 
The worst was. General Heintzelraan never informed me. I had a staff- 
officer taken prisoner, and I was only a few yards behind him. It was 
perfectly ridiculous; but he was so unsuspicious that I could not heir 
him, as scouts were stealing in all around me. He was so surprisec. j 
it was very funny. I will tell you some other time. My regimenvt' 
behaved like perfect loves — so beautifully steady. I staid for more 
than three hours after all the Americans but Reno and Stevens had 
left, and Reno was as much to the left as I was to the right, behaving 
very handsomely. My friend General Towers was wounded, 

" This disaster is not Pope's fault, but rather Halleck's and McClel- 
lan's, high generals in places they are not fit for. 

" It is tiresome to have one's victories ignored, as at Sangster's Sta- 
tion, and Williamsburg, and on the New-Market road, and to be con- 
founded, though fighting hard and successfully, and exposing myself, 
as my nature unfortunately is, in other people's defeats. Yesterday 
would have been extremely amusing from its ridiculousness, if not so 
sad for our cause. Our men would not fight one bit ; it was amusing 
to watch them. I foresaw it all three hours before it took place. 
But I am sorry for the cause." 

Pope was comparatively safe at Centreville, but Lee had not 
quite given up the pursuit. The fullness of his victory was little un- 
derstood by the Northern people. Indeed, till Grant, Meade, Sher- 
man, and Sheridan tanght us the way to victory, the strength of our 
arms lay in our ignorance. We did not know we were whipped ; yet 
some did. And to them, little throughout the war can equal the 
horror of those fatal days of August and September, 1862. Nor was 
the cup of bitterness full till the fatal first of September took from the 
North the man upon whom all eyes w^ere centering as the captain of 
the Army of the Potomac, the rejected, neglected, yet always readj", 
always victorious, Kearny. 

On the 31st August, Jackson was again ordered forward, to turn 
our right, cut our communications, and intercept our retreat to Wash- 
ington. A heavy storm on August 3 1 st, and continuing September 1 st, 
delayed his march. Kearny, the rear-guard of August 30th, with Reno 
and Stevens, was summoned again to the post of danger. He passed 
from front to rear like a triumphal conqueror. Regiment after regi- 



38 MAJOR-GENERAL PHILIP KEARNY. 

merit, as liis erect and martial form appeared, hailed liim with cheers 
upon cheers and followed his march with their shouts of admiration. 
The fighting men of each army met in this brief conflict — Jackson, 
Hill, and Ewell, with Reno, Stevens, and Kearny, the latter being this 
day assigned to the support of the others. The action began at 
live P.M. near Chantilly. General Stevens, of Reno's forces, led a 
charge, and was shot dead at the head of his troops. Confused, and 
their ammunition being exhausted, they gave way. " To repair this 
break," says the historian of the Army of the Potomac, " Kearny with 
the promptitude that marked him, sent forward Birney's Brigade, and 
presently, all aglow with zeal, brought forward a battery which he 
2)laced in position. But there still remained a gap on Birney's 
riglit, caused by the retirement of Stevens's men. This Birney pointed 
out to Kearny, and that gallant soldiei", dashing forward to recon- 
noitre the ground, unwittingly rode into the enemy's lines and was 
killed. In his death the army lost the living ideal of the soldier — a 
preux chevalier^ in whom there was mixed the qualities of chivalry 
and gallantry as strong as ever beat beneath the mailed coat of an 
olden knight. Like Desaix, whom Napoleon characterized as ' the 
man most ivorthy to be his lieutenant,' Kearny died offering a heroic 
breast to disaster." 

.The exact circumstances of his death demonstrate that he did not 
owe it to recklessness, (as genei-ally supposed, and even directly as- 
serted in Greeley's pojDular history of the war;) but to that provident 
care for his troops and professional zeal which were his marked 
characteristics. The particulars were thus given by General Birnej'', 
his valued subordinate, afterward himself a martyr to his country's 
cause: "During the battle of Chantilly my brigade was actively 
engaged. I noticed that Stevens's Division had cowardly retreated, 
leaving a gap of half a mile on my right. I asked General Kearny 
for Berry's Brigade to fill it ; he stated that he had ordered the col- 
onel commanding to report to me, and was indignant at his delay. 
But he said it was impossible that General Reno could have per- 
mitted such a Gap ; that I must be mistaken ; that there certainly 
were troops there of ours. I assured him that there was not. At 
this time it was raining, and the smoke from the batteries hung low. 
I galloped down to send in a regiment to my left. He accompanied 
me, and as we leaped a ditch, his horse shied, and he remarked how 
disagreeable that a horse should behave so in a battle. He then 
galloped to the right, and I saw him no more." From Colonel, now 
General Medill, then his aid, I fill out the history. General Kearny 
was on a black horse, and covered with his india-rubber cloak. It 
was late in the evening — dark with clouds, the drizzly rain, and the 
shade of the woods. He determined to see for himself if such a 



MAJOR-GENEEAL PHILIP KEAENY. 89 

danger existed as such a gap in the Union line. Bidding Colonel 
Medill stay behind, he dashed forward to inspect. Pollard says : 
" General Kearny met his death in a singular manner. He was out 
reconnoitering, when he suddenly came upon a Georgia regiment. 
Perceiving danger, he shouted, ' Don't fire — I'm a friend ' — hut in- 
stantly wheeled his horse around, and, lying flat upon the animal, 
had escaped many bullets when one struck him at the bottom of the 
spine, and ranging upward, killed him almost instantly." 

Private accounts, received since the war from Confederate sources, 
corroborate this account, differing only in unimportant particulars. 
General Kearny met his death, not from reckless or even careless ex- 
posui'e of his person ; for the darkness, his dress, the color of his horse, 
the lateness of the houi", the place, and going alone, all rendered 
it unlikely that he should be observed; but the true cause was a sense 
of duty which impelled him personally to investigate an alleged ne- 
cessity of changing the disposition of his largely outnumbered troops, 
and a generous disbelief that an officer so skillful as the ahuost equally 
lamented Reno could have overlooked a point and fact so critical. 

And yet had he known, could he have suspected, in the midst of 

the neglect and want of justice with which he thought himself treated, 

how deeply he had graven his name upon the hearts of the people 

for whom he died, and how high he stood in the opinion of those in 

chief authority — nay ! what a distinguished p6st might have been 

his had he lived even three days longer, that same sense of duty 

might have led him to an extreme of carefulness which would have 

prevented the sad catastrophe. At that very moment a letter was 

lying in the War Department, signed by the Assistant Secretary, ready 

for transmission, and which was forwarded after his death, of which 

the following is a copy : 

" Wab Department, Washington City, ) 
September 1, 1863. [ 

" Sir : The Secretary of "War directs me to acknowledge the receipt 

of your note of the 23d August, warmly ui'ging that Major-General 

Kearny be assigned to one of the corj^s cVarmee to be formed from 

the new levies. In reply, the Secretary instructs me to say that he 

knows no one more capable and worthy of command than Major- 

General Kearny, and that, on the reorganization of the army, he will 

endeavor to assign him a position commensurate with his eminent 

merits and distinguished services." 

I have no warrant to state, and yet there is satisfactory ground 
tor believing that even a higher position than that alluded to, namely, 
the command of the Army of the Potomac, would have been his, had 
he lived long enough to take Pope's place. Mr. Stanton had ceased 
to have respect for the ability of General McClellan. With that great 



40 MAJOR' GENERAL PHILIP KEARNY, 

man — but for whose strong will, instinctive justice, fearless patriotism, 
self-sacrificing assiduity, and wonderful executive ability the rebel- 
lion could never have been put down — halting and timorous hesi- 
tation and procrastination had no fiivor, while bravery, skill, and con- 
stant success like Kearny's had overcome original prejudice and de- 
traction, and converted him into admiration and confidence. In a 
letter under his own hand to Mrs. Kearny he says: "His devoted 
patriotism, heroic courage, and distinguished military skill had secured 
to him the confidence and admiration of the Government, and en- 
deared him to the people of the United States, who mourn his loss." 
And again : " His high appreciation by this department was shown 
by the rank he had won by long services and many gallant deeds, 
Avhich would have been acknowledged by still higher command if 
he had not fallen upon the field of Chantilly." Nor should we omit 
to notice the generous conduct of General Lee in relation to his death. 
His body was immediately sent in. His horse, saddle, and sword 
were soon after returned ; every eflTort was made, though unsuccess- 
fully, to procure the property he carried upon his person ; while deep 
sympathy was expressed for his untimely fall. 

But language will vainly endeavor to describe the grief either of 
the army or the people at this sad event. Both had long been intel- 
ligent observers of his career — the army through daily opportunity'', 
the jjeople in spite of his contempt of newspaper fame and of the ful- 
some efforts made by so many officers or their friends to extol their 
merits while ignoring those of othersi They knew him to be the 
saviour of the Army of the Potomac, and consequently of the country, 
on various occasions — at Williamsburg, by rushing on the field at 
the moment of almost complete defeat, after jamming his way for 
hours through miles of encumbering masses, and by his skill, rapidity, 
and personal exposure snatching splendid victory out of the very jaws 
of defeat ; at Fair Oaks, by stopping the demoralized retreat of the 
divisions of Couch and Casey, withstanding the exultant rebels press 
ing on to the destruction of all the troops then on the Richmond 
side of the Chickahominy, until the arrival of Sumner restored the 
equality of numbers and enabled us to gain the victory of the next 
day; on the New-Market road, by again rushing in at the critical 
moment and beating back the triumphant masses of the pursuing reb- 
els : they now saw him at the second Manassas, on the first day, check- 
ing the enemy after all others had tried without success, almost driv- 
ing them back, and sustaining the unequal contest with their heavy 
reserves till night closed the combat ; on the second day, standing 
till ten P.M. the rear-guard of our retreat, covering it, and at last 
himself retiring to take his place in camp in front of the advancing 
Confederates ; and finally, at Chantilly, after passing from front to rear, 



MAJOR-GENERAL PHILIP KEARNY. 41 

losing his inestimable life in diiving off tlit untiring Jackson from 
cutting our communications — a task Avhich his lieutenant, Birney, 
whose whole experience in war had been under him, after his death 
jDcrformed, so that to Kearny's Division again was due the safety of the 
discomfited army. They saw elsewhere, from McCIellan down, per- 
sonal jealousies and personal views interfering with and restraining 
the energy of officers who should have known nothing but the duty 
and the enemy, while Kearny was always reliable, and, when danger 
was greatest, always there. And so they mourned for him, not with 
grief only, but with fear ! For where, where was there then such 
another? Hooker had his bravery, but not his skill. Besides these 
two, what generals at that time, in that army, were f imous, either 
for military skill or self-sacrifice ? And the exulting rebels were more 
successful than ever! The North lay, to all appearance, at their 
mercy. 

It is impossible to forget his funeral, or to refrain from recalling 
here its striking circumstances. Intended to be simple and quiet in 
the extreme, the people willed it to be an occasion of most solemn 
grief, and would not be restrained from the privilege of being mourners. 
Crowds daily thronged his mansion, while the dead hero lay awaiting 
burial, his bronzed features seeming to smile defiance even of the last 
conqueror. The city authorities of Newark almost compelled the 
procession to cross the Passaic and traverse the streets of the city, 
while deep bells tolled and wailing music thrilled the air. And, 
most affecting of all, from the entrance of the cortege into the city 
till it reached the point of departure from it, spontaneously, irrepres-' 
sibly, in solemn silence, except for the tears and sobs of many, came 
forth a crowd of people, of all ages and each sex, reverently badng 
$heir heads in presence of the dead, for which they had stood hours 
in waiting, as orderly and as carefully placed as if under military 
directions, yet entirely unregulated by authority — an army of mourn- 
ers, testifying thus the depth of their grief and their appreciation 
of their hero's services. On no occasion except the funeral of Lincoln 
was such regard, within my knowledge, manifested. And so he was 
borne to the venerable yard where his father and his dead darling 
boy lay ; the magnificent service of its cathedral church was chanted 
over his remains, the final salute echoed through the great city, start- 
ling tlie speculations of its busy exchange. There he lies, not moul- 
dering but embalmed while his memory is embalmed in the hearts 
of his countrymen. 

The story of the military life of General Kearny embraces the history 
ot the Army of the Potomac from its organization to the end of its 
second critical campaign ; and, tedious as has been this review, it is 
yet but a sketch. The theme requires a volume. And then, aware 



42 MAJOR-GENEEAL PHILIP KEARNY. 

that most have regarded him rather as a sunple fighting man than a 
strategist and tactician — rather as an ambitious, restless soldier than 
a considerate, patient martyr ; and holding him myself as distinguished 
for the highest qualities of heroisin, I have thought the surest way 
of leading others to value him was to make abundant extracts from 
his correspondence, so that the real man as he lived and thought 
might rise and stand before us. 

What are the essentials of the great soldier ? Strategic skill, rea- 
diness and rapidity in tactical movements, the magnetic power to in- 
spirit and control men, individually and in masses, personal bravery, 
coolness in excitement — these are the essentials to the great comman- 
der. Enthusiastic love of combat and military prescience added to 
the other qualities have been always the possession of those captains 
whom history hands down as men of genius. Add still to these a 
lofty sense of the soldier's duty, a love of country, and a chivalric 
readiness to sacrifice all for her, and the soldier becomes indeed a 
hero. 

Have I not described Philip Kearny ? His strategic views have 
been proved correct. What was the road to Richmond ? Upon what 
line did the great general who, at the close of Kearnj^'s career, was just 
rising above the horizon, fight out the dreadful contest ? It was that line 
which Kearny always insisted was the line — tlie direct, straight path; 
driving the enemy before our columns ; keeping the city of Washing- 
ton and our supplies steadily defended by making each river we crossed 
a new road of connection with our base ; leaving no room for flank 
movements by a force numerically inferior; keeping the foe through- 
out busily on the defensive; taking advantage of every mistake ; in- 
creasing, if possible, every panic; allowing no rest or recuperation. 
Such a line necessitated vigorous and constant effort. Events have 
proved that its adoption concentrated the combat. We had no Jack- 
sons after we initiated the simple policy of Grant. 

Grant and Meade accomplished the great task after months of 
pertinacious fighting and flanking. How long would it have taken. 
Kearny, leading 200,000 men on the same path and j)rinciples, to 
overwhelm the 40,000 who retreated hastily from Manassas, leaving 
behind them Quaker guns to illustrate McClellan's prudence ? 

The direct overland route had always an advantage. You knew 
its merits and demerits. There could be no novel engine of warfare 
introduced to scare or to overwhelm. The river route involved ship- 
wreck, naval resistance, river obstructions. The Merrimac illustrated 
its difliculties, holding at bay, as she did, all our forces military and 
naval, till the strange Monitor, providential in the mode and time of 
her creation, and even more in the time of her arrival, saved, with her 



MAJOR-GENERAL PHILIP KEARNY. 43 

fifty men and her revolving turret, our vast army from powerlessness 
or ruin. 

As a tactician, General Kearny had no superior. He was always 
at home, knowing exactly what to do and how to do it. His facility 
of organization was remarkable. His camp was a marvel, so orderly, 
so clean, so carefully regurlated. There was not a rule of drill with 
which he was not familiar. There was no end to the perfection at 
which he aimed; and marvelous were the results of his discipline. 
The First New-Jersey Brigade were acknowledged to be among the 
best troops in the ai-my ; they were only what their general made 
them. But the best illustration of his skill in tactics, and his power 
over men, is found in the battle of Williamsburg. His division had 
only known him three days, yet he handled them so confidently, so 
coolly, so judiciously, that they leaped at once, new and raw troops 
though they were, to the rank of the fighting division of the army. 
And, throughout all the battles he fought, his tact in command was 
conspicuous. At Manassas, with his echelon movement on the enemy; 
at Fair Oaks, where, dexterously changing front, he established a new 
line, and, seizing his opportunity, found safety in the moment defeat 
and capture stared him in the face ; at the New-Market road ; in fact, 
at every battle; he managed his division with a simple ease and 
readiness which demonstrated his fitness for the highest command. 

But it was his magnetic power to inspirit and command which 
was his chief distinction, the result, doubtless, of the conjunction in 
him of great personal bravery, coolness in action, promjDtness of reso- 
lution, strength of will, thorough knowledge of human nature, and of 
that evident enthusiasm, called by the French, elan^ which lifted him 
up in a sort of military intoxication, and made all follow him as they 
follow one inspired. Considering these qualities seriatim, his per- 
sonal bravery was simply amazing. When Scott called him " bra- 
vest of the brave," he spoke but the literal truth. He absolutely 
knew no fear. Like most soldiers, he approached fatalism in senti- 
ment. His time was to come — when, who knew ? Who could has- 
ten, who defer it ? Riding up and down, in front of his troops at 
Williamsburg, he shouted to the rebels, Avithin pistol-shot, "Shoot 
away!" while to his troops, securely posted among the timber, he 
cried, "Boys, don't be afraid; they're not shooting at you, they're 
shooting at me. Give it to them !" We can almost imagine his mar- 
tial form before us, erect as a statue, appearing to be part of his rest- 
less, bounding horse, all the soldier iu his looks, his eye fired with the 
excitement of the strife he loved, his single arm raised aloft, at one 
moment in defiance to his foes, at the other, encouraging liis inex- 
perienced and timid troops — the impersonation of enthusiastic war ; 
while his voice, trumpet- toned, shouted alternately cool command and 



44 MAJOR-GENEKAL PHILIP KEARNY. 

proud derision. No wonder that he seemed to the rebel hordes the 
" one-armed devil." No wonder tliat, for very shame, the craven among 
our own people were craven no longer, and men he never saw before 
followed him as if some grim denizen of another world, suddenly- 
sent to lead to victory. Undoubtedly his unrivaled martial bearing 
was a great, perhaps the chief, source of hi* personal influence. But 
his success was much more due to his peculiar coolness in action. An 
associate in Mexico described him as even then ffrowinor cooler as the 
battle raged. This is not unusual with impulsive temperaments. 
Where the nervous system is strong, men tremble before danger or 
exertion, and cool as it is realized and met. It is so with all great 
orators. It is so, we believe, with great soldiers also. In both cases, 
it is a seeming inspiration to the actor as well as the observer. 

Looking deeper still, Ave think his power over his troops was the 
result of a natural love of combat — not at all a rare quality; deve- 
loped, often, in forensic strife — oftener yet in those severer contests 
which war occasions, and increased by professional study and am- 
bition. And Philij) Kearny was in love with his profession, a tho- 
rough student of the art of war. His military library was of the 
liighest character ; and not only in youth and leisure, but in the march- 
ings, and amid the toils of his life in actual service, he was a severe 
student. By natui'e sleepless and nervous, he spent the nights, till , 
early morning, habitually in study. The campaigns of Napoleon, of 
Frederick, of Marlborough, were his familiar themes of thought, and, 
if need were, conversation. He was ready, at any moment, to adopt 
their most accom^^lished schemes. 

And so he had a confidence in himself, so full of simplicity and 
so approved by success, that none could charge him with conceit or 
hardihood. He did not thrust it uj)on strangers, but to his intimates 
he expressed it without thought of reticence. No one cared less to 
appear what he was not. He scorned it. But when sure that he pos- 
sessed a quality, or had won a distinction, he made his claim as for 
justice. No word that ever fell from him indicated that he looked to 
the possibility of his commanding the army ; yet to his wife he wrote : 
" I feel that I could handle this large army as easily as I did my Jer- 
sey brigade." And he was not mistaken. Why not ? There was 
not a man in all our army who had had equal experience. He had 
been beside Scott from Vera Cruz to Mexico, his body-guard, ac- 
quainted, or having every opjDortunity of seeing and understanding 
all his plans. He had besides fought in Algeria, and, in the campaign 
of Italy, had aided in the movement and control of the largest armies 
the world ever beheld. He had studied his profession, not as a duty 
or for a livelihood, but from the love of it, with a zeal which never 
flagged and with opportunities unrivaled. All that he was, he looked 



MAJOR-GENERAL PHILIP KEARNY. 45 

and acted, and hence his power over individuals and the masses. Add 
to this his intimate knowledge of human nature, belonging to him 
through his opportunities as a man of the world, increased by his 
sympathy with humanity, (and never did more generous heart beat in 
human bosom;) and you see why it was that Philip Kearny was 
adored by the army, by his officers, by the country — that his cross is 
the American cross of honor — that his name is cherished by the sur- 
vivors of his command as Frenchmen cherish that of Napoleon. 

Those who have appreciated his correspondence can not fail to 
have noted his extraordinary military prescience. " Let McClellan 
go to Harper's Ferry," he said, " and Manassas will be evacuated." 
And so it was. " If McClellan approach Richmond by the way of the 
river, there will be nothing but delay and disaster; it will uncover 
Washington, and we shall be degraded abroad and defeated at 
home." And so it was. " "VVe shall not be able to pass Yorktown." 
Nor did we. " Such arrangements around Richmond will create disas- 
ter — in a few hours we shall suifer." Sooner than anticij^ated the 
struggle carae. " We shall be cut off, but I shall escape." And it was 
even so. " What next, but either inexplicable evacuation or an attack 
upon, and severance of, our communications ?" And hai-dly were the 
words written before they were fulfilled. " Change of base is but a 
phrase ; we must run out like rats." And it was so. This intuitive per- 
ception of what was to be seems extraordinary. It indicates Napole- 
onic qualities. And yet it was the result of industrious application. 
General Kearny was in love with the profession of arms. He lived in 
it alone. Our leading officers took it as a trade, and lived by the study 
and practice of its peaceable or defensive arts. He studied but one 
branch of it, fighting, and that as a profession. He was fitter, really, 
to lead the army in the beginning than any other man excejDt Scott — 
and he grew in competency as the war went on. 

Shall I not press further in my eulogy ? Had he not the hero's 
sense of duty — the patriot's love of country ? It is thus he writes 
home in August, 1862 : "I am distressed to think of your anxiety 
as to me : dismiss it. In battle some fall so soon and others escape so 
miraculously that it must be left to God's will. I certainly know the 
exposures of war, but have been spared so mercifully (not but that I 
am ready in all peril) that my heart is softened ; and I feel that it 
would be wickedness not to be sensible of Divine protection. I have 
in danger such an instinctive scorn of the enemy and indifference, that 
I truly have seen, with little or no emotion, that I was often the ' ob- 
served of all observers.' Still, as long as I am here to devote myself to 
the war, no risk ever comes up to the sad thought ever on my mind 
of separation from you and home." This is not the defiant soldier, 
the reckless lover of contest, the ambitious officer " seeking the bub- 



4:6 MAJOR-GENERAL PHILIP KEARNY. 

ble re^^utation, even in the cannon's mouth." It is his soliloquy, this 
written without a thought of its reaching any eye but that of his other 
self; it explains and illustrates his bravery — part constitutional, part 
the result of a deep conviction that he was in the path of duty, and 
was to live or die according to His will who sustains alike the uni- 
verse and the sparrow ! And then his patriotism. Most of those 
conspicuous in this war were lifted up from obscurity, or comparative 
discomfort in life to the stations they occupied. Patriotism, pure 
and simple, abounded far more in the ranks than among the officers. 
There, it flourished abundantly indeed. But those who first received 
appointments as superior officers seldom failed to better their worldly 
position. Not so with Kearny. What did he need ? what did he 
not leave ? A princely fortune, the luxury and the salons of Paris, 
all the gratifications which money could bestow, the affinities of social 
life — for his American friends were almost to a man Southerners — t]ie 
delights of liome, for the camp and its hardshij^s, the wild excitement 
and perpetual dangers of the field. lie left them for no holiday sol- 
diering, no ambitious self-aggrandizement, but to be present where 
bullets flew thickest and shells fell fastest ; to dare, to lead, to in- 
sure death unless miraculously guarded. Hear again how he writes 
in July, 1862 : "As to their not appreciating me, be sure that they 
do so, most fully — rather too fully. It causes them always to select 
me and my division for every thing that is dangerous, or likely to go 
wrong. It makes very little odds. I am sure that as a high-toned gen- 
tleman I do not serve from petty ambition. I am too truly disinterested 
to make a civil war a source of eclat. I have far too sincere an affection 
for the Southerners, whose course I disavow, yet love as old associates, 
to care to aggrandize myself in their misery and hopeless strug- 
gles. Mismanagement or treachery may restrain the efforts of 
the North for a season, but its triumph must come; and all whom 
I have been brought up with in childhood and cultivated in manhood 
must be swept away — their fiimilies impoverished, and themselves a 
by-word. I am sorry to see this army saddled with imbeciles ; and for 
myself, I know that I must rise ; still I would be stifled at the thought 
that this world's ambition could repay me the absence from you and 
the sad, sad changes since leaving our cherished friends in France." 
Think of his course when his friends were annoyed and baffled in the 
effort to secure his appointment ; when among the congressional dele- 
gation of New-Jersey, hut one could be found earnestly to recommend 
him ; when, Avith all his capacity and reputation, he needed political 
influence to procure for him the post of brigadier. And when Bull 
Run came upon us, that terrible disclosure of inefficient generals 
and discipline, immediately he announced his readiness to go in any 
post — to lead a regiment or serve in one. His maimed body debarred 



MAJOR-GENERAL PHILIP KEARNY. 47 

him from the ranks. But wherever he could serve, he was ready to 
serve. He was the pati-iot personified, and from the noblest motives. 
Nationality was his great argument. " What are we, unless Ameri- 
cans ?" vf as his controlling thought. And when the war was raging, 
long ere the proclamation of freedom, how directly does he settle the 
duty of the North to the slave ; how simple, how clear his view ! In 
his sketch, already quoted, as to how the slaves should he disciplined, he 
says: "This idea of black adjuncts to the military awakens nothing 
inhuman. It but pi'events the slave, run away or abandoned to us, 
from becoming a moneyed pressure upon us. It eventually would pre- 
]5are them for freedom— /or surely loe do not intend to give them icp to 
their rebel masters.''^ Nationality for America — freedom for the slave, 
these his simple direct intellect descried to be the issues of the con- 
test ; and so, in an instant, the natural aristocrat became the Union 
Republican ! Not to talk only — not as a politician, but as a patriot to 
fight and die for these significant issues ! 

The world is full of the praise of Jackson. Monuments rise from 
the impoverished South to his memory. Their little ones are taught 
to worship him as the incarnation of patriotic military genius. And 
he loas a genius ; and if you can call treason earnestly believed in, 
treason which forgot Washington, and Madison, and Pinckney of 
South-Carolina, and Marshall, and crowds of other national Virginians 
and Southerners, and aimed at destroying the nation they formed ; if 
you can call that patriotism ; if you can think him a noble Christian 
and man of honor who, educated by the nation, and time and time again 
solemnly sworn to maintain and defend the nation, never once his 
State, drew the sword she had given him, devoted the talents she had 
nurtured for her destruction — then he was a patriot ! But is the mis- 
guided Jackson to be canonized, and Kearny forgotten ? Both served 
for an idea, not for self-aggrandizement. The one was controlled by 
half fanatic piety — piety which, among Southerners and Southern 
sympathizers, in John Brown was contemptible and tut aggravated 
treason, but which in Jackson almost deifies. The other by a simple 
sense of the duty of a gentleman to his country which, concealed un- 
der outward carelessness, his letters show was humble and full of 
faith in Divine power. Sentiment impelled each to self-forgetfiilness ; 
to the perpetual hazard of life ; finally, to the suffering of death for 
the cause he had espoused. In military skill, they closely resembled 
each other. Enterprise, energy, promj)t and rapid execution, quick- 
ness and fertility of design, magnetic power over men — the highest 
military skill and efficiency distinguished both, and gave both constant 
success. The necessities of the South, the wisdom and concentration 
of purpose of Lee, gave Jackson scope. The absence of such qualities 
in our Commander-in-Chief retained Kearny in comparative obscurity 



48 MAJOR-GENERAL PHILIP KEARNY. 

— obscurity from wlncli he rose at last like a star to the zenith, hardly 
before the fatal moment of his sinking in dissolution. And yet he 
lived long enough to be the idol of his men, the admiration of all the 
array — to win the regard of his country for all time. Let traitors 
honor the traitor whose misguided conscientiousness helps make their 
cause resjjectable. Let patriots mourn over the early grave of Kear- 
ny, whose love of country drew his sword, and who, after a career 
abounding in chivalric heroism and military success, died martyr for 
law, freedom, and the nation. 

I could wish, ere I close, to paint the man, not as the world knew 
him, but as those did whose fortune it was to see his inner self; to 
delineate him justly, with all the lights and shades, the good and evil, 
joined in peculiar contradiction, which made up his character ; to sug- 
gest the causes which moulded his mental and moral organization. It 
would be a picture of a strong but unusually impulsive nature, victim 
of circumstances and of misdirection, bereft in early life of the sweet 
influences of maternity, fostered into v/orldliness which it despised 
yet thought itself compelled to adopt, excitable alike for good and 
evil, distinguished for abandon whether as saint or sinner — a cha- 
racter which, religiously directed, would have made him, if need 
were, the Christian martyr ; which, being directed irreligiously, led 
him far away from good, yet with an under-current constantlj^ draw- 
ing him to better things. Outrageously violent, he was speedily 
cooled, and then absolutely unjust in self-abasement and apology. 
Fierce as the lion in combat, he was tenderness personified toward 
those whom he loved. Hear Philip Keai-ny utter such words as these : 
"Your letters ai-e so sad, to me ever oj^pressed with sadness when I 
come back to my own sorrows and your same sorrows, to trace your 
accoimts so varying of our lost loved precious boy. But as a pro- 
tector to you, how little do I care to live longer ! It is true that in dan- 
ger I do not think of it one way or the other, danger has been so 
much a habit to me. But when I drop my professional duties and 
turn my thoughts to you and home, how sadly I am oppressed ! Our 
dear angel boy, whom God gave us but to take away. His first 
smile, his last look ! God knows how much I suffer, and you how 
much more. God give us strength !" And then his justice was re- 
markable. He has paid tradesmen for their trouble in twice present- 
ing their bills. He would keep his word about a debt, if he rode at 
night to pay. He hated shams, and cowardice, physical and moral. 
He demanded of all their duty — that done, he was exaggerated in 
generosity. Strange man indeed ! It is impossible to reconcile his 
moral inconsistencies. Yet, as the hour of his death approached, he 
seemed to alter. The day before he was killed, he conversed long 
and seriously with an earnest chaplain on the theme of personal re- 



MAJOR-GENEKAL PHILIP KEARNY. 49 

ligion. The death of his son had evidently impressed him. As phiiiily 
did it appear for days before his death that he had a presentiment of 
it. The loss of the scabbard of his sword had seemed to him an ill 
omen. He was solicitous that his staff should be near him, a thing- 
marked as unusual. Who can speak for his emotional being y The 
grace of God flies faster than the bullet ! 

Why did Kearny die? Why did Mitchel, and Reno, and Ste- 
vens, and Wadsworth, and Sedgwick, and Bayard, and hosts of others 
especially distinguished for capacity and patriotism — perish ? why did 
so many, many thousand men of lesser fame? Why was the North 
so long unable to detect real merit, and insanely led to glorify and 
almost worship mediocrity or timidity? why so long waste of our 
tremendous power? why did it take five years of combat to quell this 
rebellion, when, had such as Kearny led, the 200,000 men avIio lay 
around Washington in 1861 might liave swept the rebel army, now 
known to have been really weakened by their victory at Bull Run, out 
of existence ? Why all our sufferings, all our sorrows, our present debt 
and the impoverishment of the rich and happy South — why ? Do we 
not know ? With the past under our eye, do we not comprehend ? It 
was to bring this whole people to understand and appreciate the 
enormity of that great wrong which our Constitution, blessed struc- 
ture that it is, nevertheless defended and perpetuated. It was to 
compel the great North to cast into the sea this cause 6i' all our 
misery. It was to teach us that God reigns, that he is of purer eyes 
than to behold iniquity, that he hath made all men of one blood. It 
was to compel us to eradicate our prejudices and to believe, really, 
that he has created all men equal, and that upon us it devolved to 
insure their equality before the law. It was to persuade us to ex- 
tirpate that cancer — slavery; to cut it out from its roots, so that this 
republic might be no sham, but in very truth a form of government 
which acknowledges all men to be created equal ! Let us obey the 
divine monition. Let us establish this land as a place where all meti 
can rule w^ho are fitted to rule; where, if possible, none shall share in 
ruling who are unfitted ; and thus let us insure to all time the perpetu- 
ation of that republic whose life h:is been bought with so much blood 
and sufl« rinor. 



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